Journal of Political Issues
Journal of Political Issues, publish by University of Bangka Belitung, for information and communication resources for academics, and observers of political science, governance issues, public policy in and on Indonesia and International, Methodology of Social Sciences and Social Work. The published paper is the result of research, reflection, and actual critical study with respect to the themes of governance, social, and political science. The journal publication includes articles, research notes, notices on conferences, workshops and seminars, and book reviews. Journal of Political Issues is published on July and December every year and first published in July 2019. The journal is a Multi-disciplined Journal focused on the study of Governance Issues and Public Policy, Decentralization, Political Parties, National and Local Election, Civil Society Movement, International Politics and Seurity, Gender Politics and Identity, Democracy, Citizenship and Public Management, and Community Welfare.
Articles
55 Documents
<![CDATA[Hulu-Hilir Penanggulangan Stunting Di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rini Archda Saputri]]>;
<![CDATA[Jeki Tumangger]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.2
<![CDATA[Stunting is an urgent issue to be resolved because it impacts on the quality of Indonesia's human resources in the future. Human resources are the main factor determining the success of a country. This study aims to look at the upstream-downstream efforts to overcome stunting in Indonesia. The research method used is a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. Source of data in the form of policy document analysis. The results of the study show that, in the upstream (policy level) there have been a lot of government policies that were born as an effort to acceleratecontrol stunting, but in reality thereduction rate is stunting still far from the target. In the downstream area, there are still many communities and the implementation of programs at the grassroots level that do not have sufficient mastery of knowledge related to stunting itself, both the impact, the causes, and how to overcome them.prevention policies Stunting seem to still be at the ivory tower level, while at the grassroots level itself is the spearhead of efforts to accelerateprevention stunting, the issue of stunting seems to still sound strange. Therefore, there is still a need for massive socialization related to stunting, the impact, the urgency of overcoming it, and efforts to overcome stunting at the grassroots level, as a form of individual preventive efforts without relying on government programs, because stunting is an urgent problem that must be addressed by all parties immediately without waiting for anything.]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Pemerintah Provinsi Dki Jakarta Dengan Pemerintah Kota Beijing China Dalam Skema Sister City ]]>
<![CDATA[Henike Primawanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Windy Dermawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Widiya Ardiyanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.3
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the opportunities and challenges of foreign relations through transgovernmental cooperation in the sister city scheme, especially between the DKI Jakarta provincial government and the Beijing City Government of China. To achieve this goal, the researcher raised the case of cooperation in the field of education among the two government organizations. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method by collecting data through interviewing a number of relevant informants and documentation study techniques. The approach used in this research is transgovernmental cooperation within the framework of sister city. This study found that foreign cooperation by local governments became a great opportunity in regional development efforts. Through the sister city scheme, the provincial government of DKI Jakarta and the city of Beijing get great benefits for regional development and good bilateral relations between the two actors, even bringing benefits to bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China after the reformation era. Sister City is an instrument for the DKI Jakarta government to achieve its regional interests which is certainly in line with national interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Kampanye Sudrajat-Syaikhu Mendapat Dukungan Masa Populisme Islam Dalam Pilgub Jawa Barat 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Yusa Djuyandi]]>;
<![CDATA[Bagus Riadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Zia Ulhaq]]>;
<![CDATA[Diki Drajat]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.4
<![CDATA[Islamic Populism has become a hot discussion in Indonesia after the emergence of the Ahok Phenomenon in the DKI Jakarta Election 2017. At that time, the period of Islamic populism which was disappointed with the system because it had created inequality vented his disappointment in a series of Islamic Defending I, II and III. The phenomenon of Islamic populism movements does not only occur in Jakarta, discussions of Islamic populism also develop in the constellation of the 2018 West Java Governor Election. One of the pairs of candidates who allegedly used the wave of Islamic populism was Sudrajat and Ahmad Syaikhu (Asyik). The pair carried by Gerindra and PKS benefited from getting a vote of Islamic populism because the Asyik bearer party was a party that got the image as a pro-Muslim party. But unfortunately this advantage has not been consolidated massively. 2019 hashtag presidential test taken by the Asyik pair in the second debate in the West Java Pilgub is believed to be one of the efforts to consolidate support for Islamic populism. In this paper, we will analyze how the strategy of the Fun couple to consolidate support from the previous period of Islamic populism in the case of the DKI Jakarta Pilkada, the period of Islamic populism in the ranks of Gerindra and PKS as the ruling opposition.]]>
<![CDATA[Demografi Politik Kewargaan Daerah Pinggiran Kota Pangkalpinang ]]>
<![CDATA[Rendy Rendy]]>;
<![CDATA[Dini Wulansari]]>;
<![CDATA[Berlian Zarina]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.5
<![CDATA[Pangkalpinang continues to transform into a modern small town and certainly faces various dynamics of problems and complex challenges in citizenship. The complexity of urban citizenship has a diverse context, in accordance with the political demographics of suburban citizenship. This study compares the socio-political landscape and the dynamics of the challenges in the three research locations: Tuatunu, Kace Timur, and Beluluk, which are reflected in the daily political structure of citizenship. It uses qualitative approach based on observation, depth interview, and documentation. The findings reveal that the disparity of form and model of intervention in the changing context of the peripheral socio-political landscape causes the citizens being individualistic and capitalist and their spirit of communality increasingly eroded, there is a split community in Beluluk and Kace Timur in the context of the spirit of peripheral citizenship as the economic transit for citizens and the challenge of building a collective spirit of citizens. Furthermore, the social capital and political activity of citizens in the three villages shows a sharply difference in terms of resilience to various aspects of the local identity of each region such as the local cultural traditions or a shift of meaning and citizens' social capital.]]>
<![CDATA[Mendorong Reformasi Parlemen Melalui Kekuatan Civil Society Di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sandy Pratama]]>;
<![CDATA[Arief Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri Aisyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.6
<![CDATA[This paper aims to provide a critical review of the repositioning of the institutionalization of opposition in parliament and strengthening the function of control of parliament itself by civil society. The dynamics of the new post-order political system urges the creation of a system of checks and balances that is capable of accommodating the complicated issue of public policy governance in presidential systems with this multi-party parliament. This paper is a descriptive analytical study. Data sources were obtained from references about political parties and elections and power relations between political forces. This paper takes the setting of a parliamentary loophole that requires the presence of a control body on the balancing function of executive power as a consequence of the manifestation of authority that tends to be dilemmatic. The author concludes that the network of civil society can be the dominant alternative to carrying out a supervisory role on legislative performance in parliament. When executives are constitutionally unable to adequately compensate for the function of parliamentary oversight, repositioning of civil society organizations that are considered as a complete and ideal representation of the interests of many people is the best choice to reduce the strengthening of collusive democracy. Synchronization of regulations, good intentions of political parties, the role of control of civil society, and the synergy of the perspective on the consequences of multiparty systems that grow into the basis of more advanced democratization.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Pemilih Pemula Dalam Pengawasan Pemilu Partisipatif ]]>
<![CDATA[Agam Primadi]]>;
<![CDATA[David Efendi]]>;
<![CDATA[Sahirin Sahirin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 1 (2019): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i1.7
<![CDATA[Law Number 7 year 2017 verse 101 mandated Badan pengawasan pemilu (Bawaslu:Bureau of election monitoring) as an institution monitoring electoral democracy proccess ranging from legislative, regional to president election. Considering its duty on electoral agenda, the need for BAWASLU’s innovation is one of the most significant factors to enhance the quality of general election. This paper is going to explain the inovation practice of BAWASLU in South Bangka in monitoring the general election and increasing the people participation. Descriptive anaysis is the method of this research by using primary data obtaining from particpatory activities of the researchers. Lastly, the paper concludes that the innovation is manifested through the existence of election-monitoring class by formulating the agent of participatory election monitoring in every district, and this method was effectively increased the political participation and consciousness of voters spesifically young voters.]]>
<![CDATA[A Critical Analysis On Margaret E. Roberts (2018), Censored: Distraction And Diversion Inside China’s Great Firewall ]]>
<![CDATA[Restu Karlina Rahayu]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 2 (2020): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i2.8
<![CDATA[Margaret E. Robert book builds on a foundation of the basic law of economy which is the relationship between supply and demand. She argues that censorship Chinese government censorship has violated free market law. In her book, she specified three mechanisms of censorship; fear, friction, and flooding (Roberts 2018). She explained in detail how Chinese’s people reactions toward the censorship in chapter four, five and six. In this paper, I challenged Roberts idea that fear is not part of the censorship mechanism. I have two arguments; first fear is emotion it needs stimuli to appear. Second fear and curiosity are motivation behind information seeking. Fear appeared from negative experience while curiosity appeared from positive outcomes. Fear is part of information behavior, it works like a brake system (Heinstrom 2010). Through fear, the disappointment and punishment will be evaluated by individuals to decide the next move. Fear is something dynamic, as time evolve it creates sensitivity, but it does not stop the basic need of information. American astronaut Thomas P. Stafford mentioned that evolution made us the ultimate learning machine, and the ultimate learning machine needs to be oiled by curiosity (Stafford 2012). At the end of my paper, I suggested Roberts to consider using word threat as one of censorship mechanism rather than fear.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Jaringan Advokasi Transnasional Greenpeace Indonesia Terkait Isu Deforestasi Hutan Indonesia oleh Wilmar International ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Arief Virgy]]>;
<![CDATA[Yusa Djuyandi]]>;
<![CDATA[Wawan Budi Darmawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 2 (2020): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i2.9
<![CDATA[Greenpeace Indonesia looking for Wilmar International as actor for making deforestation.. Greenpeace Indonesia pressured Wilmar International to commit to implementing their No Deforestation, No Peat, No Exploitation (NDPE) policy through the establishment of a transnational advocacy network to make enough power to put pressure on Wilmar International. Through this method, Greenpeace Indonesia succeeded in making Wilmar International pressured and changed its behavior. This research analyzes how Greenpeace Indonesia's strategy in forming transnational advocacy networks so that the network suppresses and monitors the behavior of target actor through the Keck & Sikkink Transnational Advocacy Network theory. Researchers used qualitative methods with a case study approach. Data collection comes from primary and secondary data and data collection through literature studies from books, journals and articles. The results of this study indicate that Greenpeace Indonesia is very optimal in carrying out Information Politics and Leverage Politics strategies. Greenpeace Indonesia has creative and confrontational methods in implementing the Symbolic Politics strategy. But the weakness of this strategy is that Greenpeace Indonesia seems to be exclusive in carrying out its actions by other environmental NGOs, especially domestic-based environmental NGOs. The weaknesses of these four strategies are Accountability Politics where Greenpeace Indonesia does not have the commitment of Wilmar International which has binding legal force.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Forum Koordinasi Pencegahan Terorisme dalam Menjalankan Program Deradikalisasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rapik]]>;
<![CDATA[Bunga Permatasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Adinda Farah Anisya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 2 (2020): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i2.11
<![CDATA[This article aims to elaborate an empirical study on the role of the FKPT (Coordintaing Forum on The Eradication of Terrorism). This article is based on an assummtion that the FKPT is a vital agent hoped to play a significant role of dradicalisation. The study was conducted to proof as to wether this assumtion is right or wrong by observing the performaance of this agent. In addition to study of its performance, the article also focuses on the issue of deradicalisation on the assumtion that it is program that the FKPT should play its role. Any affort to eradicate terrorism should only be efficient through a work of deradicalisation. The essence of this program is to shift paradigm or mindset which is believed to have been dangerous and misleading. Applying an empitical legal approach, this study aims to explore deeply the application of the deradicalisation and its influence in enhanching community awareness against the danger of terrorism. It is found through this study that the FKPT, as long as its role is concerned, has been working so efficently by advocating brokers to dessimanate its mission of deradicalisation. However, the study also revealed waknessess during its program showing that the community awareness over the danger of the terrorism ideology has not increasingly shifted as the program might have expected. Istead, as the study revealed, religious extremism seems to have been increased lately. It is suggested through this study that the FKPT work more expansively reaching the root, especially to the lay people and students as they have mostly been the main target of radicalisation and of potentially terrorism.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Komparasi Laju Pertumbuhan dan Kontribusi Pajak Daerah terhadap Pendapatan Asli Daerah di Kota Pangkalpinang dan Kabupaten Belitung ]]>
<![CDATA[Ovina Mastira]]>;
<![CDATA[Nizwan Zukhri]]>;
<![CDATA[Darman Saputra]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Political Issues Vol 1 No 2 (2020): Journal of Political Issues ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Bangka Belitung ]]>
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DOI: 10.33019/jpi.v1i2.12
<![CDATA[Local governments have the authority and obligation to implement regional autonomy more independently to reduce the level of fiscal dependence on the central goverment. One way is to maximize the recepit of PAD, one of which is local tax. The purpose of the study was to analyze the growth rate and contribution of entertainment taxes, hotel taxes and advertisement taxes on PAD in the Bangka Belitung Islands Province. The analysis used in this research is quantitative descriptive analysis, namely by collecting, compiling and calculating data in the form of reports on the realization of financial budgets in the Pangkalpinang City and Belitung Regency by using the ratio of the growth rate and contribution ratio. The results showed that the PAD of Belitung Regency was better than City of Pangkalpinang. The growth rate of entertainment tax in Pangkalpinang City lower than Belitung Regency with both categories unsuccessful, but the contribution given by entertainment tax in Pangkalpinang City is higer than Belitung Regency with the category of both being very lacking. The growth rate and contribution of hotel tax in Pangkalpinang City is lower than Belitung Regency with the category of hotel tax growth rate in Pangkalpinang City unsuccessful while Belitung Regency is less, while the hotel tax contribution is both very lacking. The growth rate and the contribution of advertisement tax in Pangkalpinang City is higer than Belitung Regency with the category of the advertisement tax growth rate, both of them are not successful while the contributions given by advertisement tax are bot very lacking.]]>
