Articles
<![CDATA[Pelanggaran Pemilu Legislatif 2004 ]]>
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 1, No 1 (2004): Pemilu Legislatif 2004 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v1i1.369
<![CDATA[In general, the campaign period in the legislative election has passed in a safe and orderly way. But, in the whole process o f general election, we stillfind many basic problem ofviolation. There are many violations consists of administrative violations and criminal violations. The political parties still using public funds and facilities fo r their own interests. People alleged that all big parties have been involved in someform o f vote-buying, known as money politics which included the distribution of free basic needs, free medical Services and transportation fees. Thisfact contrary to the agreement signed by the political party before the 2004 election day o f which agree to avoid any type and motives of violence in order to reach objectives and to settle problems. The Election Supervisory Committees (Panwaslu) -which is established with the main purpose o f supervising elections— failed to carn’ out an effective supervising especially in money politics violation and manipulation o f vote count result.]]>
<![CDATA[NEGARA DAN MASYARAKAT DALAM RESOLUSI KONFLIK DI INDONESIA (Daerah Konflik Kalimantan Barat dan Kalimantan Tengah) ]]>
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 4, No 1 (2007): Demokrasi Mati Suri ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v4i1.451
<![CDATA[An explosion ofethnic conflicts in West Kalimantan 1999 andCentral Kalimantan 2001 shook the entire area Media reports ofwidespread violence often including beheadings cannibalism and ethnic cleansing In both case a single ethnic group migrants from the island of Madura was targeted and accounted for the overwhelming majority of victims State have a little role to push conflict resolution Jakarta s tardy response read clearly in both cases especially in Central Kalimantan We very shockly how can violence killed hundreds ofpeople The state s response to mass murders killed has been too little and too late National intervention is usually required But because the state lacks an national rapid response force and because state has so far been either paralyzed or unwilling to act mass killing has gone unchecked The Madurese in West and Central Kalimantan were particularly hard hit by these conflicts Most had to abandon their homes and livelihoods and seek shelter in safe areas in the Kalimantan orfarther away in Madura Recently most internally displacedpersons IDPs from the 2001 Central Kalimantan conflict have begun returning however IDPs from the West Kalimantan district ofSambas who fled during the 1999 conflict have been barred from returning to their homes Locals and returnees note an increased on physical intimidation an unwelcome situation and a general sense ofinsecurity Although years have passed since the conflicts erupted resolution is still elusive for many people The peace process in Sambas West Kalimantan still stagnant and should be re launched to enable the return ofIDPs.]]>
<![CDATA[Konflik Elite Politik di Pedesaan: Relasi antara Badan Perwakilan Desa dan Pemerintah Desa ]]>
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 2, No 1 (2005): Politik Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v2i1.403
<![CDATA[Rurai Representative Body (Badan Perwakilan Desa) claims their institutions bring the people aspirations, but in reality BPD shows themselves as an elitist and failed to express people’s voice. Large authority that is possessed by BPD, such as suggesting the regent to dismiss the head of the village from his job, has been endorsed the grow of politicization ofBPD by its members.This new uniformity policy has caused a dilemma, because not all village in Indonesia are ready to take representative democracy model. The rule of law assumes village as an administrative units and extremely formal. It also simplificate the heterogenity or plurality of village s in Indonesia, such as ignoring the variety oflocal milieu and local condition, cultural differences, and social structure differences in society.]]>
<![CDATA[EVALUASI ATAS PELAKSANAAN OTONOMI KHUSUS ACEH: GAGAL MENYEJAHTERAKAN RAKYAT DAN SARAT KONFLIK INTERNAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 9, No 2 (2012): Politik Aceh dalam Ujian? ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v9i2.227
<![CDATA[Otonomi khusus Aceh diperoleh melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006, menindaklanjuti MoUHelsinki 2005 sebagai bentuk rekonsiliasi secara bermartabat menuju pembangunan sosial, ekonomi, dan politikdi Aceh secara berkelanjutan. Akan tetapi, setelah lebih dari enam tahun berlalu kita menyaksikan bagaimanapelaksanaan otonomi khusus kurang berjalan sesuai dengan harapan. Di bidang ekonomi kita menyaksikan, danaotonomi khusus tidak terkelola dengan baik sehingga membuat kesejahteraan masyarakat Aceh secara umum tidakmengalami perbaikan. Ironisnya, peningkatan kesejahteraan justru hanya dinikmati oleh segelintir orang yang dekatdengan lingkaran kekuasaan sehingga menimbulkan fenomena orang-orang kaya baru di sana. Di bidang politik,adanya partai lokal tidak mampu meredam potensi konflik yang ada, dan bahkan justru memicu konflik internalbaru antara sesama mantan GAM. Friksi tersebut semakin memperumit dinamika konflik di bumi Aceh. Kegagalan pelaksanaan kekhususan di kedua bidang itu, politik dan ekonomi, pada gilirannya akan mempersulit untukmengeluarkan Aceh dari “lingkaran setan†konflik sekaligus masalah kemiskinan di sana.Kata kunci: Otonomi khusus, kegagalan, politik, ekonomi.]]>
<![CDATA[Pola Pengawasan Pengelolaan Dana Otonomi Khusus dan Istimewa: Perspektif Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Aziz, Nyimas Latifah Letty]]>;
<![CDATA[Zuhro, R. Siti]]>;
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>;
<![CDATA[Suryani, Dini]]>;
<![CDATA[Aulia, Dian]]>;
<![CDATA[Maulana, Yusuf]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 15, No 1 (2018): Turbulensi Kepemimpinan dan Konektivitas antar Negara ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v15i1.748
<![CDATA[Studi ini mengkaji pola pengawasan pengelolaan dana otsus dan istimewa dilihat dari perspektif politik. Terdapat tiga daerah yang dikaji yakni, Aceh, Papua, dan Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY). Ketiga daerah ini penting dikaji karena memiliki kekhususan dan keistimewaan dalam pengelolaan fiskalnya, khususnya pengelolaan dana otsus dan istimewa. Namun, pengawasan oleh pemerintah pusat terhadap pengelolaan dana otsus dan istimewa ini masih lemah. Ini dibuktikan dengan masih sangat minimnya pengawasan dalam hal sinergi, koordinasi, bimbingan dan pengawasan antarjenjang pemerintahan (provinsi-kabupaten/kota). Akibatnya, pengelolaan dana otsus dan istimewa belum berdampak signifikan terhadap peningkatan tatanan pemerintahan yang demokratis dan harmonis melalui hubungan vertikal (pusat-daerah) maupun horisontal (daerah/lokal) dan peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat lokal. Oleh karena itu, studi ini membuktikan pentingnya pengawasan terhadap pengelolaan dana otsus dan istimewa. Metode penelitian yang dilakukan adalah pengumpulan dokumen pendukung, wawancara mendalam, dan diskusi terbatas.Kata kunci : pengawasan, dana otsus/ istimewa, perspektif politik]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Intensitas Pengaksesan Konten Pornografi terhadap Spiritualitas Generasi Milenial Kristen ]]>
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ SIKIP: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Kristen Vol 2, No 2: Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Sekolah Tinggi Teologi IKAT Jakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.52220/sikip.v2i2.98
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji, mengetahui, membuktikandan memperoleh data terhadap pengaruh pornografi bagi peserta didik milenial kristen. Peneliti menganalisis data penelitian untuk mengetahui pengaruh pengaksesan konten internet yang mengandung pornografi terhadap perilaku spiritual peserta didik millennial Kristen di SMA Negeri 33 Jakarta. Metode yang digunakan adalah kuantitatif dengan analisis software SPSS. Sampel penelitian sebanyak 40 orang, diambil dengan menggunakan teknik nonprobability sampling, pendekatan validitas kontruksi dilakukan dengan interaksi sebanyak satu kali dan perhitungan koefisien reabilitasnya dilakukan dengan rumus Alpha Crombach. Instrumen yang dilakukan dalam mengumpulkan data adalah kuesioner atau angket tertutup berpolakan skala model likert, pengujian validitas instrument dengan rumus person product moment.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pengaruh intensitas pengaksesan konten yang mengandung pornografi terhadap spiritual generasi Milenial Kristen di SMA Negeri 33 Jakarta Berdasarkan penghitungan koefisien korelasi dikuadratkan maka diperoleh hasil koefisien determinasi sebesar 0,754 atau 75,4%, artinya pengaruh antara pengaksesan konten internet yang mengandung pornografi (X) terhadap spiritual generasi milenial kristen (Y) berdasarkan varians (koefisien determinasi) sebesar 0,754 atau 75,4%. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa faktor pengaksesan konten internet yang mengandung pornografi memberikan kontribusi kurang efektif atau dapat dikatakan terbilang normal 75,4%terhadap Spiritual generasi milenial dan sisanya 24,6% dipengaruhi oleh faktor lain.]]>
<![CDATA[Parents Assistance on Down Syndrome Children: Pastoral Counseling Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Pakpahan, Gernaida Krisna R]]>;
<![CDATA[Pantan, Frans]]>;
<![CDATA[Salim, Muche Mona]]>;
<![CDATA[Wiryohadi, Wiryohadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Cahyono, Heru]]>
<![CDATA[ Bisma The Journal of Counseling Vol 5, No 3 (2021): Bisma The Journal of Counseling ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Guidance and Counseling, FIP, Undiksha ]]>
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DOI: 10.23887/bisma.v5i3.42043
<![CDATA[Researchers aim to find out how to strengthen and assist parents with strategies for children with Down syndrome to become independent. The method used is qualitative—the procedure used for data collection by observation, interviews, and documentation. Furthermore, the data were analyzed using a data reduction model, data presentation, and verification. The resource persons for this study were ten parents with Down Syndrome children and servants of God involved in pastoral care for families with Down Syndrome children in Jakarta. The results showed that the community for parents with Down Syndrome children is essential because it provides reinforcement and support in mentoring children with down syndrome. After attending formal and informal therapy, Down syndrome children have significant developments that enable DS children to be independent. The primary model of parental assistance is holistically providing whole love and providing therapies, especially music and spiritual therapy.]]>
<![CDATA[EVALUASI ATAS PELAKSANAAN OTONOMI KHUSUS ACEH: GAGAL MENYEJAHTERAKAN RAKYAT DAN SARAT KONFLIK INTERNAL ]]>
<![CDATA[Heru Cahyono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 9, No 2 (2012): Politik Aceh dalam Ujian? ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v9i2.227
<![CDATA[Otonomi khusus Aceh diperoleh melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006, menindaklanjuti MoUHelsinki 2005 sebagai bentuk rekonsiliasi secara bermartabat menuju pembangunan sosial, ekonomi, dan politikdi Aceh secara berkelanjutan. Akan tetapi, setelah lebih dari enam tahun berlalu kita menyaksikan bagaimanapelaksanaan otonomi khusus kurang berjalan sesuai dengan harapan. Di bidang ekonomi kita menyaksikan, danaotonomi khusus tidak terkelola dengan baik sehingga membuat kesejahteraan masyarakat Aceh secara umum tidakmengalami perbaikan. Ironisnya, peningkatan kesejahteraan justru hanya dinikmati oleh segelintir orang yang dekatdengan lingkaran kekuasaan sehingga menimbulkan fenomena orang-orang kaya baru di sana. Di bidang politik,adanya partai lokal tidak mampu meredam potensi konflik yang ada, dan bahkan justru memicu konflik internalbaru antara sesama mantan GAM. Friksi tersebut semakin memperumit dinamika konflik di bumi Aceh. Kegagalan pelaksanaan kekhususan di kedua bidang itu, politik dan ekonomi, pada gilirannya akan mempersulit untukmengeluarkan Aceh dari “lingkaran setan” konflik sekaligus masalah kemiskinan di sana.Kata kunci: Otonomi khusus, kegagalan, politik, ekonomi.]]>
<![CDATA[RASIONALITAS TUNTUTAN PROVINSI KALIMANTAN TIMUR UNTUK OTONOMI KHUSUS ]]>
<![CDATA[Heru Cahyono]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat Indonesia Vol 39, No 1 (2013): Majalah Ilmu-ilmu Sosial Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Kedeputian Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Kemanusiaan (IPSK-LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jmi.v39i1.313
<![CDATA[The demand for autonomy in East Kalimantan seems premature since it does not have a strong legal basis. The demand for autonomy was raised after the cancelation of Act No.33/2004 on Financial Balance between Central and Local Government. On the one hand, the demand for autonomy seems reasonably well-justified that even though Kalimantan Timur is a natural resource rich province, yet its people are still living under poverty. From environmental viewpoint, the demand also seems reasonable. With the right to manage natural resources independently, Kalimantan Timur will be able to control the extraction of its resources, so as not to cause damage to the environment. On the other hand, the demand contains fundamental weaknesses with regards to capacity for implementing a good governance and the readiness of local human resources. There are still doubts about the relative size of the budget that cannot be absorbed and the lack of transparency in the use of development funds in the province.Keywords: Local Autonomy, East Kalimantan, Rationality, Natural Resource]]>
<![CDATA[ARAH PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI PERDESAAN PASCA ORDE BARU ]]>
<![CDATA[Heru Cahyono]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat Indonesia Vol 38, No 2 (2012): Majalah Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Kedeputian Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Kemanusiaan (IPSK-LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jmi.v38i2.654
<![CDATA[This paperexaminesthe directionanddevelopment ofruraldemocratizationinthe postNew Order era. There are variations inthe dynamicsandqualityof democracyfromonevillagetoanothervillage. In addition, theprospect ofdemocratizationstronglyinfluencedby theexistence of thediversityof social institutionsthat existineveryvillageTherefore, itis impossible to apply uniform democracyinIndonesia. The dynamic ofvillagedemocracyafter the New Order era is still very dependent onthe leadershipofpoliticalelite. The head ofthe villagelargely determinesthe direction ofpolitical lifeinthe village. Village leaderis animportant instrumentin changing theconsciousnessofthe community toparticipateinthe planningprogram. This in turnwill affect theavailability ofaccessandopennessof publicfacilities. In addition to villageleaders, agentsofdemocracyoccupiesa strategicpositioninpressing fordemocratizationagendainthecommunity. The socialstructure ofanegalitariansociety willnotbe usefulifcommunitiesdonotactivelyplay theroleof agent of democracy. Indonesiasruraldemocracyis stillat thelevel ofnon-participation. Insomecases, manipulation andtherapy are often usedaspaternalisticmethods. It remains a challenge to involvewider community membersduring project implementation.Keywords: rural, democracy, participation, and control.]]>
