Maretha Syawallin Umarach
Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

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THE PHENOMENON OF GREEN TRADE PROTECTIONISM: ANALYSIS OF THE EU PALM OIL IMPORT BAN IN THE ASEAN REGION Maretha Syawallin Umarach
Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Airlangga Vol. 31 No. 2 (2021): JURNAL EKONOMI DAN BISNIS AIRLANGGA
Publisher : Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jeba.V31I22021.103-116

Abstract

Introduction: The policy issued by the European Union is the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) that turn creates barriers to palm oil exports from other countries to the European Union. The policy to ban palm oil under the pretext of protecting the environment is considered to be a new obstacle to trade. One of the rejection responses came from the ASEAN region. However, even though it has received a lot of protests and rejections, until 2020 the European Union has not changed its policy regarding the ban on the use of palm oil for biodiesel in the European region.Methods: This article focuses on the reasons for the European Union implementing protectionism policies towards the Palm Oil sector in the ASEAN region. The explanation regarding this focus is explained using the Neo Mercantilism approach.Results: The policy to ban palm oil imports can be analyzed to respond to the EU's ambition and concern that the climate emergency will jeopardize the trade process in the future. The European Union research group considers that oil palm plants have a high contribution to the problem of deforestation and forest and peatland diversion in the world, especially ASEAN. Howeever, it can also be seen that there are ambitions to protect the domestic production of biofuels from the EU sunflower and radishes from global competition. The above concerns and motivations then prompted the European Union to formulate protectionism for regional economic stability.Conclusion and suggestion: ASEAN, especially Indonesia and Malaysia, have become quite vocal actors in responding to this policy. Indonesia and Malaysia are the biggest contributors of palm oil exports to Europe. As well as causing an oversupply of global palm oil supplies, this policy is considered to discriminate against and violate free-trade norms.
Analysis of the Significant Increase of Gender-Based Violence During the Covid-19 Pandemic in the Conflict Zone: the Case of Afghanistan Maretha Syawallin Umarach; Derina Faslig Silitonga; Humairah Muljabar
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (305.45 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.12695

Abstract

Since it was recorded for the first time in Wuhan, China, at the end of 2019, the number of cases of coronavirus infections around the world has been increasing every day. WHO further declared COVID-19 a global pandemic. This pandemic certainly has direct implications for the country's condition, especially concerning issues of women and children. As one of the worst-performing countries in providing gender-based protection, Afghanistan has shown a significant increase in the number of gender-based physical, sexual, and psychological violence during the pandemic. By applying the structural violence and neopatriarchy approaches, this article conducted an in-depth analysis of the problem formulation of why Afghanistan experienced a significant increase in cases of gender-based violence (GBV) during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research results revealed that the patriarchal culture rooted in the constitution, competition in the legal system, and erosion in government institutions are some of the structural factors that have led to a significant increase in the number of gender-based violence in Afghanistan during the COVID-19 pandemic. The above factors have also caused several policies passed by the government during the pandemic that severely discriminated against women and children.
Azerbaijan's Strategy to Win the Conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh Territory with Armenia in 2020 Maretha Syawallin Umarach; Ali Muhammad
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol. 7 No. 1 (2023): June 2023
Publisher : Prodi Hubungan Internasional Program Magister Univ. Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.49

Abstract

Decades ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries in the South Caucasus region, had disagreements over a territorial dispute called Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1921, the Government of the Soviet Union annexed the predominantly ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan. However, after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Armenian separatists seized Nagorno-Karabakh in an incident backed by the Armenian Government. Azerbaijan showed its distaste for this treatment, resulting in fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia, where around 30,000 people died. Before 2020, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be frozen due to strenuous peace efforts even though various parties had intervened to find the best solution. Until November 10, 2020, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to sign an agreement to stop the fighting that had been taking place in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The ceasefire was signed after Azerbaijani military forces managed to control most of Nagorno-Karabakh. This study uses an offensive realism paradigm to analyze Azerbaijan's strategy to win the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region with Armenia in 2020. The results revealed that Azerbaijan developed beneficial diplomatic relations with Turkey, Israel and Russia. These countries later assisted. One of them was the assistance of military equipment which enabled Azerbaijan to win the war against Armenia.
Azerbaijan's Strategy to Win the Conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh Territory with Armenia in 2020 Maretha Syawallin Umarach; Ali Muhammad
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol. 7 No. 1 (2023): June 2023
Publisher : Prodi Hubungan Internasional Program Magister Univ. Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.49

Abstract

Decades ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries in the South Caucasus region, had disagreements over a territorial dispute called Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1921, the Government of the Soviet Union annexed the predominantly ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan. However, after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Armenian separatists seized Nagorno-Karabakh in an incident backed by the Armenian Government. Azerbaijan showed its distaste for this treatment, resulting in fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia, where around 30,000 people died. Before 2020, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be frozen due to strenuous peace efforts even though various parties had intervened to find the best solution. Until November 10, 2020, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to sign an agreement to stop the fighting that had been taking place in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The ceasefire was signed after Azerbaijani military forces managed to control most of Nagorno-Karabakh. This study uses an offensive realism paradigm to analyze Azerbaijan's strategy to win the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region with Armenia in 2020. The results revealed that Azerbaijan developed beneficial diplomatic relations with Turkey, Israel and Russia. These countries later assisted. One of them was the assistance of military equipment which enabled Azerbaijan to win the war against Armenia.