Articles
<![CDATA[Toleransi Antar Umat Beragama di Kota Bandung ]]>
<![CDATA[Hermawati, Rina]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>;
<![CDATA[Runiawati, Nunung]]>
<![CDATA[ UMBARA Indonesian Journal of Anthropology Vol 1, No 2 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/umbara.v1i2.10341
<![CDATA[Sebagai kota yang memiliki ciri heterogenitas sosial, Bandung menyimpan potensi konflik yang bersumber dari keberagaman identitas tersebut. Salahsatu sumber konflik yang rentan muncul di tengah-tengah masyarakat yang heterogen adalah konflik yang bersumber dari perbedaan agama. Artikel ini berupaya mengkaji toleransi dalam hubungan antarumat beragama di Kota Bandung yang diukur melalui seberapa jauh para pemeluk agama menentukan jarak sosial mereka terhadap para pemeluk agama lainnya. Dengan menggunakan metode kuantitatif, penulis mengukur nilai indeks toleransi malalui tiga dimensi utama yaitu persepsi, sikap dan kerjasama antar umat beragama. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Indeks Toleransi antarumat Beragama di Kota Bandung sebesar 3,82 termasuk dalam kategori âTinggiâ, yang mengindikasikan bahwa interaksi sosial antarumat beragama di Kota Bandung telah berlangsung secara baik dan berada dalam batas-batas jarak sosial yang wajar. Kemungkinan konflik umumnya dipicu oleh perizinan pembangunan rumah ibadat yang berada dalam ranah kewenangan pemerintah, sehingga hal ini penting untuk dibenahi dalam rangka meningkatkan capaian Indeks Toleransi di Kota Bandung.]]>
<![CDATA[Relasi Kuasa dalam Perebutan Lahan di Situs Candi Bojongmenje ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad, Fikri]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ UMBARA Indonesian Journal of Anthropology Vol 2, No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/umbara.v2i1.15678
<![CDATA[Abstract This paper discusses the power relations in the land dispute on the site of Bojongmenje Temple, to reveal why conflicts in Bojongmenje Temple Site lasted continuously (2003-present). To clarify this, this paper uses an analysis of power relations to identify the mutually contested interests in establishing a claim on land in the site of Bojongmende Temple area. The research method used is qualitative method, with data collection through indepth interview among actors involved in conflict. The research finds that land dispute in the area of Bojongmenje Temple site is a complicated conflict, preceeded by changes in the economic value of land due to the discovery of cultural heritage sites that have tourism potential. This complicated conflict is prolonged and unresolved because the governments bargaining power as an authoritative institution is in a weak position. Conflict resolution needs to be arranged comprehensively, especially to resolve the root of conflict triggered by the instability of system change. This is done by balancing the power positions among conflicting actors in the land management of the Bojongmenje Temple site, beginning with the recognition of local land rights by the government and establishing concensus with citizens to manage the site participatively. Keywords: power relations, conflict, land dispute Abstrak Tulisan ini membahas tentang relasi kuasa dalam perebutan lahan di situs Candi Bojongmenje untuk mengungkapkan mengapa konflik dalam perebutan lahan di Situs Candi Bojongmenje berlangsung dengan lama (2003-sekarang). Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, tulisan ini menggunakan analisis kekuasaan untuk mengidentifikasi ragam kepentingan yang saling berkontestasi untuk membentuk klaim atas lahan di kawasan Situs Candi Bojongmende. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, dengan pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam kepada para aktor yang terlibat di dalam konflik. Hasil riset menemukan bahwa konflik lahan di kawasan situs Candi Bojongmenje merupakan bentuk konflik pelik, yang diawali oleh perubahan nilai ekonomi lahan akibat ditemukannya situs cagar budaya yang berpotensi wisata. Konflik pelik ini berlangsung berkepanjangan dan tidak terselesaikan karena posisi tawar pemerintah sebagai institusi yang memegang otoritas justru berada pada posisi yang lemah. Penyelesaian konflik pelik perlu dilakukan secara komprehensif, terutama untuk menyelesaikan akar permasalahan yang dipicu akibat dari ketidakstabilan perubahan. Hal tersebut dilakukan dengan menyeimbangkan posisi kekuasaan dari para aktor yang berkepentingan di dalam pengelolaan lahan situs Candi Bojongmenje, yang diawali dengan pengakuan hak atas tanah dari warga setempat oleh pemerintah dan membangun kesepakatan dengan warga mengenai rencana pengelolaan kawasan tersebut secara partisipatif. Kata kunci: relasi kuasa, konflik pelik, perebutan lahan ]]>
<![CDATA[MENUNDUKKAN BIROKRASI: MELACAK PERTARUNGAN KUASA DIBALIK WACANA REFORMASI BIROKRASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ CosmoGov Vol 1, No 1 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP UNPAD ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/cosmogov.v1i1.11799
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini menempatkan reformasi birokrasi sebagai pertarungan kekuasaan yang bersifat diskursif, dimana ada berbagai argumen yang berebut klaim kebenaran untuk membentuk sosok birokrasi yang profesional. Pendekatan diskursus dipakai untuk menunjukkan bahwa reformasi birokrasi tidak cukup dipahami sebagai praktik manajerial karena pilihan terhadap pendekatan reformasi merupakan pilihan politik yang mencerminkan persetujuan pada rasionalitas tertentu dibalik pendekatan tersebut. Analisis diskursus terhadap konsep-konsep yang menjadi arus besar dalam reformasi birokrasi menunjukkan bahwa reformasi birokrasi berupaya menundukkan birokrasi untuk patuh pada rezim pasar, yang kemudian melahirkan sosok birokrasi dengan cara kerja yang sejalan dengan kehendak rezim tersebut. Hal ini penting diungkapkan untuk menumbuhkan kesadaran bahwa konsep reformasi birokrasi tidak netral tapi senantiasa mengandung kepentingan untuk berkuasa. Di sisi lain, kesadaran ini membuka peluang bagi proses diskursif berkelanjutan untuk merumuskan sosok birokrasi alternatif yang disesuaikan dengan konteks politik yang ada dalam organisasi publik]]>
<![CDATA[WACANA NEGARA MARITIM DAN REIMAJINASI NASIONALISME INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 1 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i1.10542
<![CDATA[Although Indonesia is an archipelagic state, but the discourse on maritime state is not yet become the main discourse in the construction of nation and state of Indonesia. This discourse is reemerged when President Joko Widodo make it as one of the main strategic agenda of hisadministration. The re-emerging of this maritime nation discourse is interesting to be studied in terms of nationalism, as an attempt to reconstructing the Indonesian national identity imagination. By tracking the dynamics of the arguments that enliven the discourse in Indonesian politics, this paper wants to uncover why this discourse re-emerged and what is the political interests behind thereimagination of Indonesian nationalism.]]>
<![CDATA[Flawed Democracy: Beyond Agency and Structure (A Book Review) ]]>
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 5, No 1 (2017): The Primacy of Civil Society ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.26295
<![CDATA[This book analyses democratic failure at the local level which is indicated from the political issues that happened in Asahan, North Sumatera. The four political issues are: (1) the limitation of public access toward information; (2) the discrimination in social policy; (3) the ignorance of public aspiration; and (4) the land disputes that followed together with the criminalization towards public activists. In those four issues, public matters management becomes the arena that happens outside public control. Issues about the weakening of public control have become an analysis project that colours the development of democracy study.]]>
<![CDATA[Surviving Election: Corruption and Transformation of Clientelism ]]>
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ PCD Journal Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Challenges to Democracy at the Local ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/pcd.29324
<![CDATA[This article discusses clientelism practice as a political machine to mobilise supports for the candidates of district head who were trapped in a corruption case. This research especially intended to answer the question why the incumbent candidate of district head who had become the suspect of cases of corruption, still got relatively significant votes. Although the incumbent failed to win in the pilkada (the election of the district head), the votes that they got became the reason to uncover the redistribution and infrastructure strategy that was used to muffle the image of the incumbent as a corrupt politician. The findings of this research indicated that supporting political parties used the corruption case as a momentum to change the pattern of clientelism, by transforming the personal loyalty to the party loyalty. The political party institutionally took a role as a patron, so that the personal dependency to the elites decreased, but also was directed to a wider variation of the use of public resources for the sake of mobilising support. By using this strategy, the coalition of political party in “tim sukses†maintained their solidarity as well as redeveloped the patron structure that was weakened by corruption cases. The strategy change used by “tim sukses†in reframing the corruption issues indicated the work of clientelism networking to justify the new construction about corruption cases done by the incumbents, so that the incumbents remained able to get votes although they had been considered as the suspects in those cases.]]>
<![CDATA[Combining Clientelism and Incumbency Advantage: Political Strategy in Candidate Selection for the 2017 Local Head Election in Bekasi Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>;
<![CDATA[Hermawati, Rina]]>;
<![CDATA[Yunita, Desi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 4, No 1 (2019): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v4i1.13528
<![CDATA[This article discusses the post-clientelist initiatives used by political parties in the selection of candidates within the party to determine the regent and vice regents nominated for the local election. Candidate selection is the political domain of political parties, but in the context of figure-based politics, parties tend to play more as political vehicle in the candidacy of local head. Through this role, resource exchanges take place between parties and candidates within the internal party candidacy arena. Using qualitative methods through in-depth interviews and observations of candidate selection in the Bekasi Regent 2017 election, this article seeks to reveal how post-clientelist initiatives are used by party elites to optimize the incumbency advantage as main political resource in the candidate selection to determine who will pair the incumbent. The results show that the dominance of party elites in candidate selection process determines how financial resources and political support are optimized to win the incumbent. Decision to choose the vice-regent from the same party while still forming coalitions with other parties indicates that post-clientelistic strategy is operated both internally and externally. This practice confirms the tendency of the candidate selection model to be more inclusive because it involves other parties, but remains pragmatic.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH EFEK MEDIA MASSA DAN MEDIA INTERNET TERHADAP TINGKAT PARTISIPASI PEMILIH MUDA DI KOTA BANDUNG ]]>
<![CDATA[Jesica, Christina Natalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Sumadinata, R. Widya S]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ JPPUMA: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik UMA (Journal of Governance and Political Social UMA) Vol 8, No 1 (2020): JPPUMA Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Medan Area ]]>
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DOI: 10.31289/jppuma.v8i1.3393
<![CDATA[Partisipasi pemilih merupakan bagian dalam mengukur keberhasilan penyelenggaraan pemilu. Masyarakat Kota Bandung yang memiliki karakteristik masyarakat urban, tentunya menerima secara terbuka media massa sebagai saluran informasi, serta media internet sebagai bentuk perkembangan teknologi informasi. Secara kuantitas, pemilih muda memiliki potensi suara yang cukup besar dalam Pemilu, sebagaimana jumlah pemilih muda di Kota Bandung sebanyak 29,6% dari DPT (Daftar Pemilih Tetap) pada Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Bandung Tahun 2018. Kehidupan kaum muda sangat erat dengan perkembangan media, oleh sebab itu penulis melakukan penelitian untuk mengetahui apakah terdapat pengaruh yang signifikan antara efek media cetak, media elektronik, dan media internet terhadap tingkat partisipasi pemilih muda Kota Bandung. Artikel ini berdasarkan survei yang dilakukan terhadap 100 orang responden berusia 17 tahun (sudah/ pernah kawin) hingga 30 tahun dan terdaftar dalam DPT pada Pemilihan Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Bandung Tahun 2018. Instrumen penelitian menggunakan skala ordinal dan telah teruji validitas dan reliabilitas. Teknik analisis data menggunakan regresi linier ganda, serta uji t dalam pengujian hipotesis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa secara parsial efek media cetak maupun media elektronik tidak memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap tingkat partisipasi pemilih muda, sedangkan efek media internet memiliki pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap tingkat partisipasi pemilih muda di Kota Bandung.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Koalisi Partai Politik Lokal Dan Partai Politik Nasional Dalam Pemenangan Pasangan Calon Kepala Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[Gunawan, Gunawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Bainus, Arry]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ Politea : Jurnal Politik Islam Vol 3 No 1 (2020): Politik Indonesia : Eleksi, Kebijakan Publik dan Dinamika Kelompok ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.20414/politea.v3i1.1826
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe, and analyze the coalition strategies of local political parties and national political parties in the framework of winning regional heads in a region that has built a political dynasty for a dozen years, especially in Nagan Raya District, Aceh Province. The theory used is the political strategy theory used by Schroder (2010) which assesses political strategy is a framework of steps or plans used in order to realize political ideals. The political strategy is divided into two: political offensive strategy and defensive political strategy. This study uses a qualitative method. The data source consists of primary and secondary data. Primary data were obtained from the results of in-depth interviews with a number of informants, while secondary data were obtained from literature review and related documents. The research instrument is the researcher himself. Research informants consisted of coalition leaders, bearers of political parties, couples who won in Nagan Raya regional elections, Jamin Idham and Chalidin. The results showed that the strategy adopted by the candidate pair Jamin Idhan and Chalidin (JADIN) to fight incumbents, namely Teuku Raja Keumangan and Said Junaidi (TRK ONLY) was an offensive strategy.]]>
<![CDATA[Patterns of Power Relation of Street Vendors in Bandung City ]]>
<![CDATA[Hermawati, Rina]]>;
<![CDATA[Paskarina, Caroline]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 5, No 2 (2020): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i2.20607
<![CDATA[This article discusses how power relation run in daily life and how they relate in governing public issue within multi-stakeholders’ context. The setting of this relations is in the governance of street vendors in Bandung City. Street vendors is usually perceived as problem for urban governance, not only for public convenience and order, but also as spatial or territorial contestation among various actors, namely street vendors, the City Government of Bandung, and the public. In this spatial contestation, there is a power relation that connects various interests and demonstrates the network pattern of actors in fighting for their interests. This article is purposed for mapping of street vendor’s power relation pattern. By mapping the pattern of power relation, it is expected that the handling of street vendors can be more substantive in addressing the source of the problem, and it does not just focus on the eviction on the surface. This research used qualitative method. Data collection technique contains participative observation, through interview with street vendors, city government officials, street vendors association, and focus group discussion. The research result found three patterns of power relation in governing street vendors. The first pattern, street vendors use the association of street vendors as the mediator in negotiating the problem they face. The second pattern, street vendors use the local community of street vendors as the mediator. The third pattern, street vendors use non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as the mediator.]]>
