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Konflik Sunni-Syi’ah di Indonesia Kontemporer: Polarisasi, Diskriminasi dan Kekerasan Agama Amal, M. Khusna; Shodiq, Ahmad Fajar
Islamika Inside: Jurnal Keislaman dan Humaniora Vol 5 No 2 (2019): DESEMBER
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin, Adab dan Humaniora Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35719/islamikainside.v5i2.107

Abstract

Abstract: This study examines the conflict between Sunni groups and Syi'ah groups in post-New Order Indonesia. Many studies have revealed the problem of religious sectarianism conflict between the two. Some argue that conflict is triggered by differences in religious identity and theology. Others see economic and political aspects as the main factors triggering religious conflict and violence. Starting from the case of the Sunni-Syi'ah conflict in Jambesari Village (Bondowoso), this study finds an interesting finding that the conflict occurred due to sharpening religious polarization and contestation. At the same time, the infiltration of intolerant religious elites from outside the village also contributed to sharpening polarization, escalating tensions, and even triggering mass acts of violence that were suspected to have originated from Sunni groups over the Syi'ah minority group. Alienation, discrimination, dissolution of recitation, vandalism, and burning of houses belonging to Syi’ah elites are forms of violence both physically and psychologically due to the occurrence of this religious conflict.
POLA KOMUNIKASI DAKWAH KOMUNITAS MUSLIM DALAM MENJAGA HARMONI SOSIAL Yohandi Yohandi; Khusna Amal
IJIC: Indonesian Journal of Islamic Communication Vol 2 No 2 (2019): Indonesian Journal Of Islamic Communication
Publisher : Program Studi Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam Pascasarjana IAIN Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35719/ijic.v2i2.473

Abstract

Da'wah is not only understood by the meaning but also as a science, but must be understood as a noble behavior to create a happy life both in the world and hereafter. Thus, da'wah has moral responsibility to fulfill the intended purpose. Because da'wah is the process of conveying religious messages, da'wah cannot be separated from the communication process. In other words, preaching must pay attention to the principles of communication, especially in terms of patterns of inter-cultural communication, especially when the mission is delivered in the midst of non-Muslim communities. This paper has three main issues, are: 1) the concept of understanding the importance of maintaining harmony; 2) the da'wah strategy in the midst of the Hindu community, so that it does not adversely affect social harmony; and 3) the pattern of relations between Muslim and Hindu communities in maintaining social harmony. These three issues are the focus of writing this article. This paper gives the message that survival while maintaining harmony in differences is an obligation. Religious differences should not be a barrier to staying together, socializing and side by side. Because in essence every religion craves peace and harmony in the life of the nation and state. Keywords: da'wah communication, Muslim community, social harmony
Counter-radicalism and Moderate Muslim in Jember M. Khusna Amal
Al-Ulum Vol. 16 No. 2 (2016): Al-Ulum
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (418.504 KB) | DOI: 10.30603/au.v16i2.152

Abstract

This paper marks an attempt to understand and explain the cultural movement of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah -two moderate Islamic organization with the largest mass in Indonesia - in countering the penetration of religious radicalism in Jember --one district in East Java. Despite using a different platform and approach, namely Islam of Archipelago and Islam Progressive, but the two organizations have the same prophetic political mission to fight all forms of radicalism in the name of religion. This paper argues that both the organization itself, it is still as a progressive pillar of Indonesian civil Islam who are concerned in fighting the agenda of tolerance, pluralism and democracy. Both also always positioned itself as an anti-thesis and always take opposition to radicalism forces. However, religious radicalism is a serious threaten especially to fight the agenda of diversity and peaceful coexistence of religious differences. So far, this paper intends to elaborate progressive ideas among moderate Muslims -NU and Muhammadiyah-- in consolidating themselves to stem the flow of radicalism.
Anti-Shia mass mobilization in Indonesia’s democracy: godly alliance, militant groups and the politics of exclusion M Khusna Amal
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 10, No 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
Publisher : IAIN Salatiga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v10i1.25-48

Abstract

This article examines violence against religious minorities, especially Shia groups in the democracy of Indonesia, focusing particularly on the case of the 2016 anti-Milad Fatimah (Fatimah Birth Commemoration) mass mobilization performed by IJABI (The all-Indonesia Assembly of Ahlul Bait Associations) in Bondowoso, East Java, Indonesia. This article finds that the anti-Milad Fatimah mass mobilization involved alliances and conspiracy between Godly Muslim groups with a varied agenda. Sunni militant groups from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), FPI (Islamic Defenders Front), Wahabi/Salafi, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) groups, which merged into FOKUS (Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah Communication Forum), were the main protagonists who played a key role in driving mass mobilization. Unlike previous studies that understood the anti-Shia movement merely as a form of affirming Islamic orthodoxy, this study finds evidence that there were wider agendas than the theological ones. Excluding the Shia from capturing Islamic public space, and challenging religious authority and local power which was dominated by moderate Muslim groups, were the socio-political agendas which contributed to the anti-Milad Fatimah mass mobilization. The involvement of radical Islamist groups such as the activists of the Tarbiyah and HTI is a sign that there is a strong political agenda behind mass mobilization. However, the ultimate goal of applying Islamic Sharia will never fade from the religious movements of Islamist groups.Studi ini mengkaji kekerasan terhadap minoritas agama khususnya kelompok Shia di Indonesia era demokrasi. Tulisan memilih kasus aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah yang dilaksanakan oleh IJABI (Ikatan Jama’ah Ahlul Bait Indonesia), Bondowoso, Jawa Timur pada 2016. Tulisan ini memeroleh temuan yang menarik bahwa aksi mobilisasi massa anti-Milad Fatimah, melibatkan aliansi longgar di antara kelompok-kelompok Godly Muslim dengan agendanya yang tidak tunggal. Kelompok-kelompok militant Sunni dari kalangan NU, FPI, Wahabi/Salafi dan HTI, yang menggabungkan diri ke dalam FOKUS (Forum Komunikasi Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’ah), merupakan aktor-aktor utama yang berperan penting dalam memobilisir aksi massa tersebut. Berbeda dari kajiankajian yang umumnya memahami gerakan anti-Shi’ah sebagai bentuk peneguhan ortodoksi Islam atupun homogenisasi Islam Indonesia, studi ini mendapati temuan yang jauh lebih besar dan kompleks dari sekedar agenda teologis itu. Mengekslusi Shi’ah dari ruang public Islam dan menantang otoritas keagamaan dan kekuasaan local yang didominasi oleh kelompok-kelompok Muslim moderat merupakan sejumlah agenda sosio-politik yang turut mewarnai aksi massa itu. Keterlibatan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme radikal seperti aktivis Gerakan Tarbiyah dan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), menjadi sinyalemen cukup kuat adanya agenda politis di balik aksi massa. Bagaimanapun, imaginasi dan citacita penerapan syari’at Islam tidak akan pernah pudar dari gerakan keagamaan kelompok-kelompok Islamis.
Towards a Deliberative Conflict Resolution? A Reflection on State Inclusive Response to Sunni-Shi’a Tension in Indonesia’s Democracy M Khusna Amal
QIJIS Vol 8, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Kudus

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.7146

Abstract

Most studies on the Sunni-Shi'a conflict concentrates on the failed peaceful resolution due to the state’s discrimination against the minority religious groups in Indonesia. However, these studies overlook other spectrums of the progressive role of the state agencies in religious conflict resolution. This paper examines the state engagement in the peaceful resolution of religious conflict through an inclusive policy-making. A case study of the Sunni-Shi’a conflict 2016 in Bondowoso (East Java) showed that the local government is committed and has an inclusive policy to protect or strengthen civil rights, especially for groups that are crucial to the quality of democracy. Based on Carson and Hartz-Karp’s theoretical framework, this paper shows that the local government policy has represented a model of limited deliberative conflict resolution. Although this policy was a product of public openness and willingness to hold a discussion, negotiation, and to compromise, the decision made was still exclusionary to the involvement of the Shi’a minority group.
Protecting Civil Rights Amidst Rising Illiberalism in Indonesia’s Democracy: State’s Response to Sharia-Based Violence Against Shi’a Groups M Khusna Amal
Ulumuna Vol 24 No 2 (2020): December
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20414/ujis.v24i2.407

Abstract

This article examines the local government and state representation in response to religious violence against Shi’a minority groups. Intensive scholarly debates on this issue have ignited, especially on what made the government showed an exclusive response to religious violence. Scholars have argued that state agencies commonly tend to take a safe position though no contradictory policies that please conservative groups. This research was conducted through six-month fieldwork in Bondowoso regency, East Java province, in 2017 and 2018. The data was collected through ethnography and in-depth interviews with relevant sources. In this study, I argue that not all government agencies respond exclusively to violence against minority communities. Through a case study on Sunni-Shi'a tension in Bondowoso, East Java, this study reveals that the local government showed inclusive attitudes to protect the rights of Shi'a adherents to practice their faiths. Such responses are aimed to maintain well-developed plurality, harmony, and civil rights for minority citizens of Bondowoso. This study confirms that inclusive local state officials become the critical factor to the sustainability of human rights, religious freedom for the minority and democratization.
The Role of Islamic Religious Higher Education in the Revitalization of Religious Moderation in Indonesia M. Khusna Amal
Dialogia: Islamic Studies and Social Journal Vol 19, No 2 (2021): DIALOGIA JURNAL STUDI ISLAM DAN SOSIAL
Publisher : IAIN Ponorogo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21154/dialogia.v19i2.3327

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to describe the consistency of PTKI (Islamic Religious College) in fighting for religious moderation in Indonesia. This research is a literature review with a sociological-historical approach. Where through this approach, the revitalization of PTKI's religious moderation becomes a critical discourse to know. The research data is in the PTKI religious moderation movement in social and historical contexts, both in the academic corridor, curriculum, campus activism, and social roles. Data collection techniques with documentation. Researchers documented data on the PTKI movement to fight for religious moderation during the New Order and Post-Reformation eras. Data analysis used the descriptive analysis method. The study results indicate that PTKI is an Islamic institution that is consistent in fighting for the agenda of religious moderation. During the New Order period, PTKI, through campus intellectuals, pioneered the Islamic reform movement and, at the same time, made an essential contribution to the process of democratic socio-political change marked by the 1998 reform movement. In the following period (post-reform), PTKI still presents itself as an agent of moderate Islam who actively teaches, campaigns, and affirms religious moderation in its contestation with radical political Islam groups. However, PTKI's active involvement in responding to religious radicalism has contributed significantly to strengthening Indonesia's moderate Islam in the changing socio-political context.Tujuan penelitian ini guna mendeskripsikan konsistensi PTKI (Perguruan Tinggi Keagamaan Islam) dalam memperjuangkan moderasi beragama di Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakan kajian pustaka dengan pendekatan sosiologis-historis. Di mana melalui pendekatan ini, revitalisasi moderasi beragama PTKI menjadi diskursus yang penting untuk diketahui. Data-data penelitian berupa fenomena pergerakan moderasi beragama PTKI dalam konteks sosial dan sejarah, baik dalam koridor akademik, kurikulum, aktivisme kampus, maupun peran sosial. Teknik pengumpulan data dengan dokumentasi. Peneliti melakukan dokumentasi atas data-data pergerakan PTKI dalam upaya memperjuangkan moderasi beragama pada masa Orde Baru dan Pasca Reformasi. Analisis data menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa PTKI merupakan institusi Islam yang konsisten dalam memperjuangkan agenda moderasi beragama. Pada periode Orde Baru, PTKI melalui kalangan intelektual kampus, memelopori gerakan pembaruan Islam dan sekaligus berkontribusi penting dalam proses perubahan sosial-politik demokratis yang ditandai oleh gerakan reformasi 1998. Pada periode berikutnya (pasca reformasi), PTKI masih menampilkan diri sebagai agen Islam moderat yang aktif mengajarkan, mengkampanyekan dan meneguhkan moderasi beragama dalam kontestasinya dengan kelompok-kelompok Islam politik radikal. Bagaimanapun, keterlibatan aktif PTKI dalam merespon gerakan radikalisme agama telah berkontribusi penting bagi penguatan modersdalam konteks sosial-politik yang terus berubah.
TOLERANCE WITHOUT LIBERALISM M Khusna Amal; Norshahrir Saat
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 16 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2021.16.02.167-189

Abstract

There has been a rising Islamic fundamentalism, and intolerance cases in contemporary Indonesia. The fundamentalism problem in Indonesia particularly points to the Wahhābi for its puritanical ideology as the root of the intolerance cases. This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its responses towards the Wahhābi group. Being the forefront for the struggle against fundamentalist Muslim groups in post-New Order Indonesia, this article argues that NU adopts an intolerant approach in dealing with Wahhābi groups and their Islamic dakwah (preaching) activism. Taking a close look at a local branch of NU in Jember, East Java, the organisation’s approach is indeed ambiguous. On the one hand, NU calls for religious moderation, pluralism, and anti-violence approaches, but on the other hand, it also violates the principle of pluralism and democracy and is prone to authoritarianism for banning the Wahabi group’s rights to establish their educational institution in Jember. Based on a series of field research, this article contributes to the complexities of NU’s responses towards religious pluralism and the limits of the NU’s tolerance in contemporary Indonesia.
Kajian Kitab Bait Dua Belas Karya Moeh. Noer Waliyullah: Analisis Semiotik M. Khusna Amal
Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan Vol 12 No 1 (2014): Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan Vol. 12 No. 1 Tahun 2014
Publisher : Center for Research and Development of Religious Literature and Heritage, Agency for Research and Development and Training, Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (212.781 KB) | DOI: 10.31291/jlk.v12i1.28

Abstract

This article adopts a semiotic analysis of the manuscripts of the Temple of the Twelve or 'Twelve Stanzas' by Moeh Noer. This study suggests two important conclusions. First, the author presents symbols of religious messages. The symbols in the form of numbers and Arabic linguistic system Pegon (read: Arabic- Ngoko Java). In this context, the use of symbols not only represent the author wishes to convey a religious message to the reader, but also illustrates the power strategy of the author in making differentiation of self. Secondly, through the symbolic reproduction, the author reflects on the religious discourse of God, humans, and how to know God (ma'rifatullah). Keywords: Semiotics, Bait Dua Belas, Pegon Arab, Human, God and Ma'rifatullah.
TOLERANCE WITHOUT LIBERALISM M Khusna Amal; Norshahrir Saat
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 16 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2021.16.02.189-211

Abstract

There has been a rising Islamic fundamentalism, and intolerance cases in contemporary Indonesia. The fundamentalism problem in Indonesia particularly points to the Wahhābi for its puritanical ideology as the root of the intolerance cases. This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its responses towards the Wahhābi group. Being the forefront for the struggle against fundamentalist Muslim groups in post-New Order Indonesia, this article argues that NU adopts an intolerant approach in dealing with Wahhābi groups and their Islamic dakwah (preaching) activism. Taking a close look at a local branch of NU in Jember, East Java, the organisation’s approach is indeed ambiguous. On the one hand, NU calls for religious moderation, pluralism, and anti-violence approaches, but on the other hand, it also violates the principle of pluralism and democracy and is prone to authoritarianism for banning the Wahabi group’s rights to establish their educational institution in Jember. Based on a series of field research, this article contributes to the complexities of NU’s responses towards religious pluralism and the limits of the NU’s tolerance in contemporary Indonesia.