Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Faculty Of Law Universtas Muhamadiyah Jakarta (UMJ)

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Perbandingan Administrasi Peradilan Dalam Keadaan Darurat (Judicial Emergency) Akibat Pandemi Covid-19 Di Amerika Serikat Dan Di Indonesia Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 28 No. 1: JANUARI 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol28.iss1.art3

Abstract

The determination of a state of emergency clearly affects not only the executive and legislative branches of power but also the judicial power. The establishment of a state of emergency for the Covid-19 Pandemic in various countries has a direct or indirect effect on judicial powers in carrying out their duties and functions. This article is intended to compare the application of judicial emergency in the United States and how it reflects on judicial power in Indonesia. This study uses the comparative constitutional law method, which is to compare the material of constitutional law and practice in other countries to take the best materials and practices and provide suggestions that should be avoided in positive constitutional law. This article concludes that there is a need for strict legal material in the law of judicial powers and the procedural law in Indonesia so that it does not delegate too much technical authority in dealing with emergencies in the judiciary.
Judicial Reform and Democratic Consolidation in Indonesia Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Syaiful Bakhri; Muhammad Ali
Jurnal Cita Hukum Vol 7, No 3 (2019)
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/jch.v7i3.12228

Abstract

AbstractConstitutional Reform after fall of Soeharto’s New Order bring favorable direction for judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, closing dark memories in the past. In addition, in Art 24 (2) of the 1945 Constitution decide the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There some problem which still remains, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court and Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through many ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what “is” and what “ought”, among others, First, by changes political configuration that tend to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. But in reality, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation which reduced constitutional guarantee. But in reality, many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence under democratic consolidation after fall of new order and conceptualize its order to strengthening rule of law in IndonesiaKeyword: Judicial Reform, Judicial Independence, Judicial Accountability, Democratic Consolidation AbstrakPerubahan UUD 1945 membawa arah yang menguntungkan bagi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman di Indonesia. Penjaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 24 (1) UUD 1945 seperti menutup ingatan kelam di masa lalu. Selain itu, dalam Pasal 24 (2) UUD 1945 yang menentukan kekuasaan kehakiman dipegang oleh Mahkamah Agung dan badan-badan peradilan di bawahnya  dan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dengan dasar ini, tidak ada landasan hukum sedikitpun bagi Presiden atau DPR untuk mengintervensi cabang kekuasaan kehakiman. Tetapi dalam kenyataannya, meskipun dalam sistem politik yang demokratis dan pengaturan konstitusional menegaskan jaminan kemerdekaan namun kenyataannya tidak mewakili situasi aktual. Terdapat beberapa masalah yang masih tersisa, seperti (i) tidak adanya format permanen mengenai hubungan kelembagaan antara Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Komisi Yudisial, (ii) masih banyak upaya untuk melemahkan peradilan melalui banyak cara kriminalisasi hakim. Mengacu pada masalah di atas, maka ada kesenjangan antara apa yang senyatanya dan apa yang seharusnya antara lain, Pertama, perubahan konfigurasi politik yang cenderung lebih demokratis, kekuasaan kehakiman harus lebih otonom. Namun dalam kenyataannya, berbagai masalah muncul seperti (i) ketidakharmonisan dalam mengatur pola hubungan antara aktor kekuasaan Kehakiman, (ii) berbagai upaya untuk mengkriminalkan hakim atas keputusan mereka, (iii) berkembangnya praktek mafia peradilan. Kedua, dengan jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, seharusnya tidak akan ada undang-undang yang mengurangi jaminan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Namun pada kenyataannya, banyak peraturan perundang-undangan yang masih belum sejalan dengan jaminan konstitusional mengenai kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman. Makalah ini bermaksud menguraikan secara mendalam tentang bagaimana menerapkan jaminan konstitusional atas kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman dalam masa konsolidasi demokrasi pasca jatuhnya orde baru dan mengkonseptualisasikan agenda reformasi peradilan untuk memperkuat supremasi hukum di IndonesiaKeyword: Reformasi peradilan, kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, reformasi peradilan, konsolidasi reformasi АннотацияКонституционная реформа после падения Нового Порядка (New Order) Сухарто дала благоприятное направление для судебной власти. Конституционная гарантия на независимость судебной власти, регулируемая статьей 24 (1) Конституции 1945 года, позволяет оставить мрачные воспоминания в прошлом. Кроме того, в статье 24 (2) Конституции 1945 года определено, что судебная власть находится в ведении Верховного Суда, нижестоящих судебных органов и Конституционного Суда. Такие строгие нормативные директивы в сочетании с трансформацией политической системы в демократическом направлении должны привести к созданию независимой и автономной судебной власти. Но на самом деле, хотя в демократической политической системе и конституционных механизмах закрепляется гарантия независимости, онa не отражает реальную ситуацию. Существует ряд нерешенных вопросов, таких как (i) отсутствие постоянного формата об институциональных отношениях между Верховным Судом, Конституционным Судом и Судебной Комиссией, и (ii) по-прежнему предпринимаются многочисленные попытки ослабить судебную власть многими средствами, такими как криминализация судей. Ссылаясь на вышеупомянутую проблему, существует разрыв между тем, что «есть» и что «должно быть», среди прочего: во-первых, изменяя политические конфигурации, которые имеют тенденцию быть более демократичными, судебная власть должна быть более автономной. Во-вторых, с конституционной гарантией на независимость судебной власти не будет закона, который ограничивал бы конституционные гарантии. В этой статье рассматривается и подробно объясняется, как реализовать конституционные гарантии независимости судебной власти после политического преобразования и концептуализировать его порядок для укрепления верховенства закона в Индонезии.Ключевые слова: независимость судебной власти, судебная ответственность, судебная реформа
TINDAKAN HUKUM PEMERINTAH DALAM PEMBINAAN PENGELOLAAN RUMAH SUSUN MILIK SEBAGAI PEMENUHAN HAK ATAS TEMPAT TINGGAL Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Syaiful Bakhri
Jurnal Ius Constituendum Vol 6, No 2 (2021): OKTOBER
Publisher : Universitas Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26623/jic.v6i2.2452

Abstract

Artikel ini disusun bertujuan untuk menilai pemenuhan Pasal 28 H ayat (1) UUD 1945 yang menegaskan perihal adanya peran negara dalam pemenuhan hak atas tempat tinggal. Sehingga apabila merujuk kepada peran negara yang memiliki tugas melindungi segenap bangsa Indonesia, maka pelaksanaan tugas pemerintahan untuk penyediaan tempat tinggal menjadi suatu keharusan. Tujuan tersebut dilatar belakangi oleh karena kerap kali kebijakan penyediaan tinggal khususnya rumah susun milik menghadapi persoalan dalam minimnya campur tangan pemerintah dalam hal penyediaan tempat tinggal yang terkesan hanya diserahkan kepada mekanisme pasar, akibatnya kerap kali konflik kepentingan antara pihak pengembang dengan konsumen. Hal ini kerap kali terjadi di beberapa daerah dan telah menimbulkan konflik yang berkepanjangan. Oleh karena itu tulisan ini dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji tindakan pemerintah daerah dalam melakukan tindakan pengelolaan Rumah Susun Milik sebagai upaya campur tangan pemerintah dalam hal pemenuhan Hak atas tempat Tinggal Penelitian dilakukan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, yaitu penelitian terhadap norma-norma hukum, asas-asas, konsep dan teori yang berkaitan dengan persoalan hak atas tempat tinggal menurut UUD 1945 dan terhadap berbagai bentuk tindakan pemerintah (rechthandelingen) dalam menanggulangi konflik hubungan hukum yang memerlukan intervensi tindakan pemerintah. hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa dalam melakukan tindakan pembinaan pengelolaan rumah susun milik, pemerintah daerah kerap melakukan tindakan perencanaan, pengaturan, pengendalian dan pengawasan. Namun dalam pelaksanaan tindakan pembinaan yang demikian itu kerap kali pemerintah daerah menerbitkan aturan yang bertentangan dengan norma yang lebih tinggi yang diterbitkan oleh Menteri.
PENGUJIAN PERPPU TERKAIT SENGKETA KEWENANGAN KONSTITUSIONAL ANTAR-LEMBAGA NEGARA Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Yudisial Vol 5, No 1 (2012): MENGUJI TAFSIR KEADILAN
Publisher : Komisi Yudisial RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29123/jy.v5i1.158

Abstract

ABSTRAKKewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menguji Perppu adalah kewenangan yang tidak didapatkan melalui Undang-Undang Dasar namun melalui praktik peradilan. Kewenangan untuk menguji Perppu sepatutnya tidak diperoleh oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi dikarenakan adanya potensi sengketa kewenagan konstitusional lembaga negara yakni dengan DPR selaku pemegang kewenangan konstitusional untuk menguji Perppu dan Presiden selaku pemegang kekuasaan mutlak legislasi dalam ihkwal kegentingan memaksa. Oleh karena itu, kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi untuk dapat atau tidak dapatnya menguji Perppu perlu diatur di dalam Undang-Undang Dasar.Kata kunci: pengujian konstitusional, sengketa kewenangan konstitusional lembaga negara, Perppu, supremasi konstitusi.ABSTRACTThe authority of the Constitutional Court to review the Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perppu) is not obtained through the judicial practice, instead of the constitution. In theory such an authority should not given to the constitutional court since the existance of potental disputes between the court and other hight rangked state entity like punishment and/or house of representatives. In term of the state circumstances of the state of emergency, the President has the exclusive power to produce th Perppu. Thus, it is of great importance that the constitutional court showed have this authority strictly regulated in the coming amamded constitution.Keywords: constitutional review, constitutional authority dispute, the government regulation in lieu of law (Perppu), rule of law.
PURIFIKASI KONSTITUSIONAL SUMBER DAYA AIR INDONESIA Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional Vol 5, No 3 (2016): December 2016
Publisher : Badan Pembinaan Hukum Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (599.592 KB) | DOI: 10.33331/rechtsvinding.v5i3.150

Abstract

Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) kembali mengabulkan permohonan pengujian undang-undang yang diajukan oleh PP Muhammadiyah. Bila sebelumnya MK mengabulkan permohonan PP Muhammadiyah dalam pengujian UU Minyak dan Gas Bumi, dan UU Organisasi Kemasyarakatan, kali ini MK mengabulkan sekaligus membatalkan secara keseluruhan UU No. 7 Tahun 2004 tentang Sumber Daya Air (UU SDA). Sebelumnya lebih dari 3.000 pemohon mengajukan pengujian UU SDA pada tahun 2004-2005 namun ditolak oleh MK, namun permohonan yang diajukan oleh PP Muhammadiyah pada 2014-2015 dikabulkan MK. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, penelitian ini berupaya menemukan korelasi dan koherensi permasalahan konstitusionalitas antara pengujian pertama melalui putusan MK No. 058-059-060-063/PUU-II/2004 dan No. 008/PUU-III/2005 dengan pengujian kedua melalui No 85/PUU-XI/2013. Dibatalkannya UU SDA oleh MK membuka kembali lembaran baru perjuangan untuk melawan komodifikasi air yang terdapat dalam UU SDA yang dipengaruhi oleh kepentingan swastanisasi air yang dipromosikan oleh World Bank dan International Monetery Fund (IMF).Constitutional Court have granted a judicial review petition on Water Law which was filed by the PP Muhammadiyah. Whereas in the past, the Court has granted the petition of PP Muhammadiyah in testing the Oil and Gas Law and Community Organization Law, this time Constitutional Court grants as well as cancels Law number 7 Year 2004 regarding Water Resources (Water Resources Law). There were more than 3,000 applicants apply for judicial review on Water Law in 2004-2005 but rejected by the Constitutional Court, meanwhile petition which filed by the PP Muhammadiyah in 2014-2015 had been granted. By using the method of normative legal research, this study sought to find the correlation and coherence in constitutionality problems between the first test through Constitutional Court decision Number.058-059-060-063 / PUU-II / 2004 and Number. 008 / PUU-III / 2005 and the second test with Number. 85 / PUU-XI / 2013. Water Resources Law which is repealed by the Court had open a new chapter to fight against the commodification of water (regulated in Water Resources Law) which is influenced by the interests of privatization promoted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Managing Power Sharing of the State on Islamic Modern Society: a Case Study of Indonesia Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Rantawan Djanim
JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA Vol 5, No 1 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Al Azhar Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (492.522 KB) | DOI: 10.36722/sh.v5i1.330

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Abstract - On reasearch "checks and balances" in legal studies often raises high quality questions such as, does the checks and balances is a doctrine, principle, or legal theory, or maybe precisely the formula of power in politics. History been recorded, that in any discussions regarding the formation of the constitutional separation, division and smelting power is something that is popular to be discussed before and even after becoming the constitution. Therefore, the casting of checks and balances into the constitution especially on islamic modern society is an interesting study to determine the portion and posture. This study will use Indonesia legal system and its Islamic Society as case study and will be using legal normative methodoloy, on the other hand, comparative studies on constitution which will be conducted and using classic and modern constitutional law literature. Several approach will be use on this research such as, historical, political, economical approach on understanding the practice on checks and balance which pouring in constitutions in some countries.Keywords - Checks and balances, Politics and Constitution, Separation Power
Press Freedom And Hoax: Democracy Anomaly Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
NOMOI Law Review Vol 1, No 1 (2020): May Edition
Publisher : NOMOI Law Review

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30596/nomoi.v1i1.4283

Abstract

AbstractAfter the collapse of the New Order regime, the hope of a more realized configuration gave freedom of approval through apress. However, the freedom obtained by the Press is currently full of negatives, namely news of false news that is increasing. The method used in this study is a normative juridical legal research method. According to the results of the 2018 Edelman Trust Barometer survey, seven out of 10 people in the world were worried that fake news would be used as "weapons". In Indonesia alone, 76 to 80 percent of the public is worried about using hoaks as a weapon to create instability in the country. These findings indicate that there are challenges from democratic reform and post-reform law enforcement. This paper discusses the solution to the legal aspect of dealing with the rise of false news as an effort to protect democracy and freedom of information.Keywords: Press Freedom, Law Enforcement, Democracy.
OPTIMALISASI PEMBATASAN DANA KAMPANYE PEMILIHAN UMUM KEPALA DAERAH SEBAGAI PENCEGAHAN INVESTASI POLITIK YANG KORUPTIF Ibnu Sina Chandranegara; Syaiful Bakhri; Nanda Sahputra Umara
Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada Vol 32, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jmh.47512

Abstract

AbstractRegulation concerning limiting on campaign funds have not proven to limit campaign funds from donors with binding interests. Therefore, the needs to identify various weaknesses in the regulation concerning a limitation on campaign funds to optimize clean campaign by preventing conflicts of interest, ensure transparency and ensure independence in making post election policies. Normative legal research methods used in this study starts from primary legal materials including all laws and regulations concerning campaign funds in regional head election and literature review which related to regional head election, secondary materials and tertiary material. This research concludes that it is necessary to affirm the limitation of campaign funds, regulating composition of contributors with the reasonableness ratio, reformulation of sanctions which excess the limit of campaign funds, and application of investigative audit.IntisariSaat ini regulasi pembatasan dana kampanye terkait pemasukan terbukti belum mampu membatasinya dari penyumbang dengan kepentingan yang mengikat. Oleh karena itu,  identifikasi kelemahan dari regulasi pembatasan dana kampanye untuk mengoptimalisasi pembatasan dana kampanye diperlukan untuk mencegah konflik kepentingan, menjamin transparansi asal sumbangan dan menjamin kemandirian dalam mengambil kebijakan tanpa terikat dengan donatur kampanye. Metode penelitian yuridis normatif digunakan dengan meneliti bahan pustaka. Bahan hukum primer yaitu, peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur mengenai dana kampanye dalam pemilu, khususnya pemilu kepala daerah, Bahan hukum sekunder dan Bahan hukum tersier. Penelitian ini menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa perlu penegasan pembatasan dana kampanye yang bersumber dari perorangan, penegasan komposisi penyumbang dengan rasio kewajaran, reformulasi sanksi kelebihan dana kampanye, dan penerapan audit investigasi.
Architecture of Indonesia's Checks and Balances Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Constitutional Review Vol 2, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (303.255 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/consrev226

Abstract

Research on "checks and balances" in legal studies often raises high quality questions such as, is the checks and balances a doctrine, principle, or legal theory, or maybe precisely the formula of power in politics. History has been recorded that in any discussions regarding the formation of the constitutional separation, division and smelting power is something that is popular to be discussed before and even after becoming the constitution. Therefore, the casting of checks and balances into the constitution is an interesting study to determine the portion and posture. This study used using legal normative methodology. In addition, comparative studies on constitution was conducted using classic and modern constitutional law literature. Several approaches were used on this research such as, historical, political, economical approach on understanding the practice on checks and balance which stated in constitutions in some countries.
Defining Judicial Independence and Accountability Post Political Transition Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Constitutional Review Vol 5, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (387.64 KB) | DOI: 10.31078/consrev525

Abstract

Indonesian constitutional reform after the fall of Soeharto’s New Order brings favorable direction for the judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, has closed dark memories in the past. This article decides that the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There are some problems that remain, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through different ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what "is" and what "ought", among others. First, by changing political configuration that tends to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. In this context, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, and (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation that that may reduce constitutional guarantee. However, there are many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence after the political transition and conceptualize its order to strengthen rule of law in Indonesia