Articles
<![CDATA[Indonesian’s Pillars Democracy: How This Country Survives ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ JILS (Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies) Vol 1 No 1 (2016): The Establishment of Indonesian Legal Concept ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/jils.v1i01.16572
<![CDATA[MODEL PENGUATAN KELEMBAGAAN ORGANISASI MAHASISWA MAGISTER ILMU HUKUM ]]>
<![CDATA[SASTROATMODJO, SUDIJONO]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhtada, Dani]]>;
<![CDATA[DINIYANTO, AYON]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pengabdian Hukum Indonesia Vol 1 No 2 (2019): PENGABDIAN HUKUM INDONESIA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (355.361 KB)
<![CDATA[Organisasi mahasiswa merupakan wadah untuk mengembangkan diri mahasiswa. Selain itu, organisasi mahasiswa juga merupakan wadah untuk menyampaiakn aspirasi mahasiswa kepada pemangku kepentingan di Perguruan Tinggi. Saat ini banyak sekali organisasi mahasiswa dan bahkan hampir semua Program Studi mempunyai organisasi mahasiswa. Program Studi Magister Ilmu Hukum juga mempunyai organisasi mahasiswa yaitu organisas mahasiswa Magister Ilmu Hukum. Kenyataannya tidak semua Program Studi Magister Ilmu Hukum mempunyai organisasi tersebut. Menariknya organisasi mahasiswa Magister Ilmu Hukum mempunyai permaslahan yang berbeda-beda. Hal tersebut dikarenakan beberapa faktor yang melatarbelakangi lahirnya permasalahan yang berbeda. Artikel ini mengulas terkait dengan permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh organisasi mahasiswa Magiter Ilmu Hukum. Artikel ini juga memberikan rumusan model penguatan kelembagaan organisasi mahasiswa Magister Ilmu Hukum.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK HUKUM REGULASI PEMIIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA: PROBLEM DAN TANTANGANNYA ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Legislasi Indonesia Vol 16, No 2 (2019): Jurnal Legislasi Indonesia - Juni 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Direktorat Jenderal Peraturan Perundang-undang, Kementerian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
<![CDATA[The holding of general elections or elections is a consequence that must be carried out by democratic countries including Indonesia. Implementation election in Indonesia is always covered by legal instruments. Welcoming election in 2019 the overarching legal instrument is Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The legal instrumen in its situation turns out to have problems. Problem include presidential threshold, parliamentary threshold, electoral system, electoral district of magnitude, and result conversion method. The existence of these problems is certainly a challenge in the implementation of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections wich must be faced. Before facing the challenge, it is better to know in advance the legal politics of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. It is very important to know the purpose of making regulations about elections. This article dicusses the legal politics of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections usin three criteria, namly (1) legal policies issued; (2) legal policy background; and(3) law enforcement from policies issued. This aricle also reviews the problem and substnace of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections as mentioned.]]>
<![CDATA[Can School Day Policy Have an Impact for Indonesia? Response to Maria Dita Kristiana's article, "Politics of Law on School Days Policy: Legal Reform on Indonesian Education Policy", Journal of Law and Legal Reform, 1(1), pp. 5-24 ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Law and Legal Reform Vol 1 No 2 (2020): Legal Reform Discourse in Indonesia in a Global Context ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Postgraduate Program, Master of Laws, Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang, Indonesia ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/jllr.v1i2.36268
<![CDATA[This paper is a commentary on Maria Dita Kristiana's article, entitled Politics of Law on School Days Policy: Legal Reform on Indonesian Education Policy, published in Journal of Law and Legal Reform, 1 (1), pp. 5-24 (previous edition). The author emphasizes this comment on aspects relating to the method used by the author, and criticism of the relevance of the theory used. The article, written by Maria Dia Kristiana, can be used as reference material for further research relating to the political politics of education in Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[Actualization of Archiepelagic Concept in Legal Curriculum to Create Integrity Law Graduates ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ The Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education Vol 1 No 3 (2019): Indonesian J. Int'l Clinical Leg. Educ. (September, 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/iccle.v1i01.20689
<![CDATA[According to the Constitution of 1945 Indonesia recognized as a rechstaat, which means that every State activities have to be based on legal formal instrument. Meanwhile, in the practical, law enforcement in Indonesia still not appropiate as people as expected. Many factors lead to poor law enforcement in Indonesia from the legal substance, legal structure, and legal culture. The condition is certainly very problematic when law enforcement cannot enforce the justice. Its means there are various factors lead the poor quality of law enforcement in Indonesia. Educational factor on the legal study is fundamental to create law enforcement with integrity and fairness. No wonder when the legal education into the public spotlight rarely. The legal education have not been able optimally to create law enforcement with integrity.]]>
<![CDATA[Election Crime in the Perspective of the Indonesian Democratic State ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Law Research Review Quarterly Vol 4 No 2 (2018): L. Research Rev. Q. (May 2018) "Discourse on General Election in Indonesia: Betwe ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/snh.v4i02.26293
<![CDATA[The Election Law, which consists of six books, can be said to be the most comprehensive law on election arrangements to date. This comprehensive regulation is inseparable from the various polemics in the Election Law. One of the polemics in the Election Law is the election crime. Election crime arrangements in the Election Law have the potential to reduce democracy in Indonesia. The State of Indonesia is a democratic country and it has been stated indirectly in the 1945 Constitution. This means that the provisions of criminal acts contained in the Election Law must not conflict with a democratic state. The formulation of the problem in this article is how election crimes are in the perspective of Indonesia's democratic state and how the potential for election crimes threatens the democratic perspective of Indonesia's democratic state. The object of this research is the provision of criminal acts in the Election Law and the concept of the democratic state of Indonesia according to the 1945 Constitution. This research method is to use a qualitative research approach and type of normative juridical research. The results of this study are election criminal offenses in the perspective of the Indonesian democratic state and appropriate arrangements related to election criminal acts from the perspective of the democratic state of Indonesia. The conclusion of this research is that the criminal act of election can be enforced in Indonesia as long as it does not conflict with democracy in the State of Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Bureaucracy in Perspective of Government Administration Laws ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Law Research Review Quarterly Vol 6 No 1 (2020): L. Research Rev. Q. (February 2020) "Law, Democracy and Crime: How Society Respon ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/lrrq.v6i1.36706
<![CDATA[This paper discusses bureaucracy in the analysis of law number 30 of 2014 concerning government administration as a form of democracy implementation. However, bureaucracy in many cases shows a negative tendency (corrupt behavior, including collusion and nepotism). Various forms of bureaucracy in Indonesia in history were also formed on the basis of the regime and the tastes of the authorities. So that various negative behaviors tend to occur. This paper is a normative legal study in which the writer only analyzes based on the laws and regulations and related legal theories. This paper confirms that law number 30 of 2014 concerning government administration has explicitly set the efforts that must be made by the government in resolving various issues relating to the administration of government and bureaucracy.]]>
<![CDATA[MENGUKUR DAMPAK PENERAPAN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD DI PEMILU SERENTAK TAHUN 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian State Law Review (ISLRev) Vol 1 No 1 (2018): Indonesian State Law Review 1(1), October 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Constitutional and Administrative Law, Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang (UNNES). ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (304.578 KB)
|
DOI: 10.15294/islrev.v1i1.26941
<![CDATA[The implementation of the 2019 Election and the stages of its implementation cannot be separated from various issues or polemics. Many polemics occur starting from the regulatory side, general implementation, up to technical matters. The birth of new regulations related to the Election was colored by a polemic of the presidential threshold. Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections as a single regulation at the law level in organizing Elections cannot be separated from controversy. Many people respond to the pros and cons. The pros and cons response is focused on several things, one of which is the presidential threshold. The polemic or pros and cons associated with the presidential threshold in the community actually contain big question marks. First, the big question is whether the presidential threshold contained in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections is in accordance with the constitution? considering the law is a translation of the constitution. Second, is the presidential threshold set forth in Law Number 7 of 2019 in accordance with the wishes of the community or not detrimental to the community? considering the law is aimed at regulating the aspirations of the community.]]>
<![CDATA[PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM BAGI LENDER DAN BORROWER DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN FINTECHLENDING DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Suhendar, Heris]]>;
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Idea Hukum Vol 6, No 2 (2020): Jurnal Idea Hukum ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[MIH Unsoed ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.20884/1.jih.2020.6.2.161
<![CDATA[The development of fintech lending in Indonesia has increased quite significantly.The number of registered fintech lending is 136 and licensed 25, bringing the total to 161.The existence of fintech lending in addition to providing benefits, also has the potential to bring risks to lenders and borrowers. Potential risks regarding the security and confidentiality of fintech lending user data and potential risk of non-performing financing (wanprestasi). This study is a normative legal research / doctrinal legal research using the statute and conceptual approach. This study material was obtained through library research (library research), then analyzed analytically for prescriptive examination and discussion. The results of the analysis are interpreted using systematic, grammatical and teleological interpretation methods. The results of the study concluded that, legal protection to avoid potential risks for users (lenders or borrowers) fintech lending can be done through preventive, persuasive and repressive steps. To support this step, legal instruments formed by the OJK include legal substance, legal structure and legal culture.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Dynasty in Law and Political Perspective: to what extent has the Election Law been reformed? ]]>
<![CDATA[Luluardi, Yunas Derta]]>;
<![CDATA[Diniyanto, Ayon]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Law and Legal Reform Vol 2 No 1 (2021): Contemporary Issues on Law and Justice ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Postgraduate Program, Master of Laws, Faculty of Law Universitas Negeri Semarang, Indonesia ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.15294/jllr.v2i1.44321
<![CDATA[A democratic state allows for the birth of a dynastic politics. Indonesia as a democracy must accept these consequences. As long as dynastic politics are in accordance with the constitution and do not violate democratic principles, the state accommodates the birth and development of dynastic politics. In Indonesia, since the opening of the doors of reform and regional autonomy, it has led to a democratization of political power at the center as well as in the regions. Dynastic politics also grows and develops. The growth and development of dynastic politics occurs at the level of political power in the regions. In the Tegal Raya region, dynastic politics led by the Dewi Sri clan had experienced developments and was able to place several members of the Dewi Sri clan in several political powers. But interestingly, the political development of the dynasties in the Tegal Raya region must be reduced. This article analyzes the factors that influence the development and reduction of dynastic politics in the Tegal Raya Region.]]>
