Journal of Governance
Journal of Governance (JOG) is published by the Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa collaborate with KAPSIPI (Kesatuan Asosiasi Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia) for reviewer, its main aim to spread critical and original analysis from researchers and academic practitioners on various social, political and government issues both local and foreign. The writing is published after undergoing a peer-review process by providing an exclusive analysis on social, political and government issues from various perspectives. JOG provides high-quality studies outcomes and a new thoughts for academic practitioners, researchers, and publics to break down the complexity and dynamics of contemporary socio-political changes. Published twice a year, in June and December. JOG invites researcher, academician, practitioners, and publics to submit their critical writings and to contribute to the development of social and political sciences.
Articles
193 Documents
<![CDATA[KEKERASAN DISKURSIF ATAS NAMA “WAR ON TERRORISM” : BENTUK BARU PELANGGARAN HAM ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Zuhdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 1, Issue 1: (2016) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v1i1.1313
<![CDATA[Abstract: This paper is about to see the discourse of the war on terrorism by using Foucaldian perspective. The thesis said that the discourse of "war on terrorism" is a product of hegemonic power and therefore has created a discursive violence that threaten human rights. The purpose is to provide an alternative approach in view of global and national discourse on the issue of the war against terrorism. Research result found interest fact that the fight against terrorism has threatened civil liberties and political freedom from violence discursive hegemony of power produced by the global and national levels. In addition this paper also offers how a modern government should do to counter terrorism based on Foucauldian approach.Keywords: Terrorism, Discourse, Hegemony, Discursive Violence, Human Rights]]>
<![CDATA[PURITANISME DAN FUNDAMENTALISME DALAM ISLAM TRANSNASIONAL SERTA IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP PANCASILA SEBAGAI IDEOLOGI BANGSA ]]>
<![CDATA[Rendy Adiwilaga]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 2, Issue 1: (2017) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v2i1.2124
<![CDATA[In fact, the movement of Islamisme has special portion in the political world. It not only presents as a potential power, this movement is also there as a good bargain to define and colorise the political climate. The movement not only exists as antithesis to the old concept created by the western, but also it appears as a movement to influence the colors of the political states in many countries, particularly in the newly independent states after the World War II. This present article explains how, historically, the Ideology of Islam Transnational as the idology that spread over in Indonesia after reformation movement builds a new hegemony. It also describes how this ideology influences the Pancasila, especially the existence of Pancasila as the national concensus.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisa Kebijakan Sektor Lingkungan : Permasalahan Implementasi Kebijakan Pengelolaan Kawasan Hutan di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Roby Firman syah, M.A]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 2, Issue 1: (2017) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v2i1.2117
<![CDATA[Society-based on forest growth will increase the inter-society communication activities which deliver a community forum. The participation which directed to policy practice only has its weakness, that’s the inability to grow “belongingness” about forest growth program among communities. By participating actively in community forum, the conflict thoughts will be modified into empowering people in order to help government program.]]>
<![CDATA[TIRANI DPR ATAS NEGARA:MENGGUGAT KUASA DPR RI, MENUJU EFEKTIFIVITAS PEMERINTAHAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Yeby Ma’asan Mayrudin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 1, Issue 1: (2016) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v1i1.1840
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini merupakan artikel refleksi yanghendak menyajikan dan mendiskusikan tentang gugatan atas kuasa DPR RI yang sangat mendominasi roda pemerintahan di Indonesia pasca bergulirnya reformasi. Penampilan demokratis ala DPR, seyogyanya perlu kita kritisi dan coba menyodorkan suatu yang dapat menghalau superioritas lembaga tersebut.Memang terasa sulit untuk mengontrol tindakannya, karena modal konstitusional berupa undang-undang terpatri pada lembaga tersebut. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan upaya dekonstruksi terhadap kemapanan kuasa DPR atas negara ini.Maka dari itu, artikel ini coba menawarkan refleksi dan rekonstruksi terhadap peran dan fungsi DPR RI guna mewujudkan efektivitas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan]]>
<![CDATA[Menalar Dinamika Konflik Wisata Goa Pindul ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Machdani Afala]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 2, Issue 1: (2017) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v2i1.2121
<![CDATA[This paper intends to provide an overview of how the drama of the conflict took place in the tourist area of Goa Pindul, Gunungkidul egency. Through the contentious politics approach, this paper oncludes that the dynamics of conflict that occurred in the cinde tour of Pindul have increased escalation of conflict along with the development of Goa Pindul tourism that increasingly famous and bring huge profits. This happens because of the conflictual relationship between the actors, namely the government, Pokdarwis, and local communities in the management of Goa Pindul tourist attraction. The conflict was mainly triggered by the presence of an open opportunity structure of economic structure and land ownership that emerged along with the presence of Goa Pindul tourist attraction. The conflict then expanded and involved many actors through the emergence of claims in their bid for rights over the management of the tourist area.]]>
<![CDATA[DARI GEREJA KE PANGGUNG POLITIK: STUDI TENTANG KEKUASAAN PENATUA DALAM POLITIK LOKAL DI MINAHASA ]]>
<![CDATA[Romel Malensang]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 1, Issue 1: (2016) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v1i1.1309
<![CDATA[Abstract: This article discusses about the phenomenon of penatua as the ruling elite in contemporary Minahasa. The research method used was case study with data collection process for five months (November 2014 - March 2015). The results of this study led to the conclusion that the political role of the Church in Minahasa especially, it is not solely done by the institution of the church itself.The church only becomes a power instrument of most elites embodied in the figure of penatua and then doubling their domination in the political sphere.Keywords: penatua, church, local politics, Minahasa]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Figur Calon Pemimpin Terhadap Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Kelurahan Sunter Agung, Pada Pemilukada DKI JAKARTA 2012 ]]>
<![CDATA[Restu Rahmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 1, Issue 1: (2016) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v1i1.1841
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini membahas tentang pengaruh figur calon pemimpin terhadap partisipasi politik masyarakat Kelurahan Sunter Agung Kecamatan Tanjung Priok Jakarta Utara pada Pemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012. Menariknya pilkada DKI Jakarta tahun 2012, dikarenakan para kandidat tidak hanya warga Jakarta saja namun kandidat dari luar Jakarta pun berkontestasi pada pilkada tersebut. Hal inilah kemudian yang mengakibatkan banyaknya figur pilihan yang akan menjadi pertimbangan warga Jakarta. Namun kembali lagi kepada masyarakat Jakarta mampu tidak memilih figur yang kredibel dan mempunyai kapasitas untuk memimpin Jakarta. Penelitian ini akan melihat apakah figur calon pemimpin yaitu credibility, dan capability mempunyai pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap tingkat partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kelurahan Sunter Agung, Kecamatan Tanjung Priok Jakarta Utara pada pilkada DKI Jakarta 2012; dan mengenai variabel kualitas figur calon pemimpin manakah yang mempunyai pengaruh dominan terhadap tingkat partisipasi politik masyarakat Kelurahan Sunter Agung, Kecamatan Tanjung Priok Jakarta Utara pada pemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan yakni kuantitatif. Dan hasil penelitian menjelaskan bahwa credibility dan capability mempunyai pengaruh yang positif signifikan terhadap partisipasi politik, dan credibility mempunyai pengaruh yang lebih besar terhadap partisipasi politik.]]>
<![CDATA[Menimbang Pentingnya Desentralisasi Partai Politik di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Solikhin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 2, Issue 1: (2017) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v2i1.2120
<![CDATA[The role of political parties in Indonesia after the reform era is to become the main actor of democracy in mobilizing the political life of the nation and state. Unfortunately, the democratization process does not work well in the body of the political party itself. Political parties tend to be antithetical to democracy in government politics. Political decentralization and the authority of political parties are the most important elements in evaluating the working system of political parties. To date, the dynamics of party-party at the local level are still strongly dominated by the center. As a result politics in the region is a political derivation in Jakarta. Stakeholder party with decentralized authority will not create a democracy at the local level in political parties, because the party's internal democratic practices are highly centralized, clientelistic and oligarchic. The challenge must beanswered if it wants to create a democracy within the internal political party. Particularly related to efforts to build decentralization of political party authority in determining candidate process in elections. By viewing the party as an organization of public legal entity which is one of the instruments of democracy, the political party should have started democratizing internally if it is not desirable to be abandoned by society and has the goal of improving Indonesian democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[DEPOLITICISATION OF PUBLIC ISSUE:LOW DEGREE OF GOVERNMENT’S DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY (The Case of the Reclamation Policy of Benoa Bay, Bali, Indonesia) ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Dian Hikmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahmad Hidayat]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 1, Issue 1: (2016) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v1i1.1311
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengkaji praktik De-politisasi isu publik yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah. De-politisasi isu dan kepentingan publik memicu terjadinya deficit demokrasi suatu negara. De-politisasi melalui negasi atas akses dan pembatasan atas ruang publik dalam membahas kebijakan yang berkaitan langsung dengan kepentingan Negara. Atas dasar hal tersebut, kebijakan reklamasi Pulau Benoa di Bali-Indonesia dijadikan sebagai objek analisa jurnal ini. Reklamasi Pulau Benoa disinyalir sebagai praktek de-politisasi isu publik yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Daerah Bali.Kata Kunci: Depolitisasi, Pemerintah, Elit, Publik dan Demokrasi.]]>
<![CDATA[SUBJEK PETANI DALAM WACANA PEMBANGUNAN DI MANGGARAI ]]>
<![CDATA[Venansius Haryanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 2, Issue 1: (2017) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v2i1.2122
<![CDATA[ This study aim to trace how development discourse consturct the subject as peasant in Manggarai-NTT. This study found two important things. On One Side, development and all its principles try to epresentate subject as peasant in certain manner. On the other side, there are resistance narratives of subject as peasant to the way of how system representing them in development. This study took place in Lembor-West Manggarai Regency of NTT Province, that supposedly known as granary of NTT and national. This study used the concept of relation of power, subject and discourse in post-structuralist lens as analytical framework]]>
