JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik)
JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) diterbitkan dua kali dalam setahun, di mana setiap artikel yang diterbitkan telah melalui proses peer review. Beberapa isu empirik dalam sub kajian yang dibahas dalam jurnal ini antara lain politik regional dan kebijakan publik, relasi agama dan demokrasi, kampanye dan pemilu, ekonomi politik, pemilu dan partai politik, serta relasi kekuasaan dan komunikasi politik. JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) menggunakan sistem online (Open Journal System) mulai dari publikasi hingga proses penerbitan. Jurnal Wacana Politik mengundang para penulis dari kalangan akademisi, mahasiswa, birokrat, dan LSM untuk mengunggah artikel hasil penelitian atau kajian kepustakaannya. Setiap artikel dituntut memenuhi standar penulisan karya ilmiah yang beretika. Saat ini, Jurnal Wacana Politik terbit berkala dua kali dalam satu tahun yaitu pada bulan Maret dan Oktober.
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166 Documents
<![CDATA[DEMOKRASI DAN PEMBANGUNAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Witianti, Siti]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 1 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i1.10547
<![CDATA[The relations between democray and development has become wide discussion since world war two until now. The question rised whether democracy supports development or development supports democracy both in central and local level. Democracy has been choosed in manycountries. Democracy marked by participation needed in development. Furthermore, democracy needs better peopleâs capacity which only can be done in the development process. Comprehensive development concept stresses on the people. People become subject and object in the development. Peopleâs participation makes the result of development suits with the need of the people. There is an opinion that comprehensive development process might support democratization process.]]>
<![CDATA[MEMBANGUN KEAMANAN REGIONAL DI ASEAN DALAM MENANGGULANGI ANCAMAN TERORISME ]]>
<![CDATA[SUDIRMAN, ARFIN]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 2, No 1 (2017): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v2i1.11276
<![CDATA[ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) as a regional cooperation association has a significant roles on harmonizing the counter terrorism effort in the Southeast Asia region. Based on primary and secondary data by using qualitative method, the purpose of this paper is to examine the harmonization of counter terrorism cooperation between ASEAN members. The research found that ASEAN has a set of counter terrorism policies that had been ratified in different times as a form of regional policies harmonization. However in terms of strategic-operational level, the ASEANâs member states has the authority to tackle terrorism issue on their own with the possibility to establish a cooperation with a non ASEAN member state. In addition, the US also has a significant role in assisting counter terrorism effort for ASEANâs states members.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI GERAKAN KELOMPOK KEPENTINGAN DALAM PENGAWASAN PENGENDALIAN PEMANFAATAN RUANG KAWASAN BANDUNG UTARA ]]>
<![CDATA[Sagita, Novie Indrawati]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 2 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i2.11051
<![CDATA[North Bandung area (KBU) is designated as a conservation area to protect the natural environment for the activities of life and urban development in the surrounding region. KBU become a magnet of the owners of capital to invest in the region to build a residential and tourism facilities. Development in KBU has acquired resistance from interest groups as deemed to have caused environmental damage and socio-economic impact to the surrounding community. Development in KBU clearly violate local regulations No. 1 of 2008, where every building permit (IMB) issued by the district/city must have a recommendation from the governor, but the deviations of licensing as a collusion of the government of officials and the owners of capital continue. This research method using descriptive qualitative approach, which describes and analyzes the licensing irregularities in the construction of KBU. The results showed that the strategy of interest groups have not been effective in pressuring the government to stop granting licenses and prevent development in KBU. Movement of the interest groups need to be winning support through the formation of opinion in a way to build public awareness about the impact of environmental degradation as a result of development at KBU. Opinion formation is considered to be more effective when these efforts were supported by the help of the mass media in disseminating the opinion. ]]>
<![CDATA[SOSIALISME ISLAM: PERSPEKTIF PEMIKIRAN POLITIK H.O.S. TJOKROAMINOTO ]]>
<![CDATA[Manan, Firman]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 1 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i1.10543
<![CDATA[In several literatures of Indonesian political thought, the ideas of socialism has been claimed as the doctrine came from and influenced by western political thought. On the other side, Islam political thought has been seemed as the doctrine came from Indonesia traditional heritages. These view was rejected by H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto who argues that socialism has been established and flourished inthe Islamic tradition before it was developed in the West. This article tries to describe H.O.S. Tjokroaminotoâs political thought about Islamic socialism which was constructed in the Islamic tradition rooted from Al-Quran and As-Sunnah.]]>
<![CDATA[PATRONASE, KLIENTALISME DAN TAHTA PUTRA MAHKOTA PADA PILKADA KOTA KENDARI TAHUN 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratama, Rekha Adji]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 2, No 1 (2017): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v2i1.11400
<![CDATA[One of the problems that still occur in local government bureaucracy is patronage and clientelism which is still often used by politicians to carry out a specific agenda outside the main duties and functions of the bureaucracy. This paper aims to determine the forms of patronage and clientelism that is formed in relation politicians, the bureaucrats and the community where the mayor actively "Asrun" using bureaucratic apparatus as a political machine in order to win his son âAdriatma Dwi Putraâ (ADP) as mayor Kendari on the elections simultaneously in 2017. The findings show, the form of patronage and clientelism in this study can be divided into two. First, relations were awakened in the bureaucracy includes determining the scope of careers and positions in the bureaucracy in Kendari, the first form of this is done in order to consolidate the support of the bureaucracy to win ADP. Secondly, relations that built up in the community include the mobilization voice through vote buying and pork barrel. The second form as a strategy to gain support or voice with the way the bureaucratic apparatus into a figure intermediaries to mobilize voice in society.]]>
<![CDATA[MENAKAR KONTRIBUSI UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU TAHUN 2017 TERHADAP PENINGKATAN KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Prastiwi, Juwita Hayyuning]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 3, No 1 (2018): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v3i1.15783
<![CDATA[Lambannya peningkatan jumlah perempuan di parlemen, secara khusus sangat terkait dengan sistem pemilu yang diberlakukan. Di Indonesia, isu keterwakilan perempuan memperoleh tempat sejak diterapkannya kuota 30 persen pada pemilu 2004, namun hingga berlangsungnya Pemilu 2014 jumlah perempuan di parlemen nasional berkurang 22 kursi dibandingkan pemilu 2009. Berkaitan dengan Pemilu 2019 yang akan datang, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi serta menganalisis kontribusi UU No. 7/2017 tentang Pemilu terhadap upaya peningkatan keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen dengan fokus yang tidak hanya membahas sistem pemilu proporsional namun juga meninjau sistem kuota serta empat unsur mutlak yang membentuk sistem pemilu seperti district magnitude, nomination, balloting, dan electoral formulae. Proses identifikasi dan analisis dilakukan dengan feminist perspective melalui metode literature review dengan literatur primernya yaitu UU 7/2017 tentang Pemilu. Sebagai kesimpulannya, hasil studi ini menunjukkan bahwa UU 7/2017, baik sistem proporsional terbuka dan ke-empat unsurnya cenderung tidak signifikan terhadap upaya peningkatan keterwakilan perempuan, aksesibilitas perempuan untuk masuk parlemen tetap lemah sehingga kondisi under-represented dari kelompok perempuan tidak akan banyak berubah. ]]>
<![CDATA[NEO MODERNISME ISLAM INDONESIA: WACANA KEISLAMAN DAN KEBANGSAAN NURCHOLISH MADJID ]]>
<![CDATA[-, Suryani]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 1 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i1.10548
<![CDATA[Neo modernism emerged as a critical discourse face the phenomenon of modernist Islamic thought that emphasizes reason and ratio in view of the existence of religion in a struggle and debate ideas discourse on Islam and society. In the neo modernism discourse, the phenomenon of religious exclusivity becomes a very important study. Exclusive theology is used by some hard-line Islamic groups to judge other religions or other Islamic groups that are not inline with Islam that they believe to be the real truth. Neo modernism evolved to respons this religious exclusivity and the religious inclusivity comes to make a new discourse on Islam which has the main idea of an understanding of the universal message delivered by God not only to one particular religion but also to other religions in the scriptures each. The efforts to avoid subjectivity of religion and promote objectivity in the social sphere in Nurcholish Madjidâs thought will not reduce the religious existence, but will make it more effective and elegant can also be easily accepted by modern society without suspicion.]]>
<![CDATA[AFFIRMATIVE ACTION DAN PENGUATAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK KAUM PEREMPUAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmatunnisa, Mudiyati]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 2 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i2.11049
<![CDATA[Despite various existence of ratified UN Conventions and other international and national policies, womenâs political participation has still been considered week. They remain substantially underrepresented in the position of political decision making. In other words, political sphere is still male-dominated. Needless to say, formal political equality statements are not enough. It needs more actions to make it into reality. One potential measure, among other things, is affirmative action in the form of gender quota. The policy has the potential to strengthen womenâs political participation and representation. Nevertheless, empirically, this has not always been the case. As one would expect, there are a number of factors which determine the effectiveness of the policy implementation process, i.e., political, socio-economic, and socio-cultural. For more effective implementation, affirmative action policy needs to be accompanied by parallel effort of handling those hindrances. ]]>
<![CDATA[KOREA SELATAN DAN PROVOKASI KOREA UTARA: TAKTIK PENGARUH DAN PERSUASI PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN LEE MYUNG BAK ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudirman, Arfin]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 3, No 1 (2018): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v3i1.14215
<![CDATA[Korea Selatan memiliki berbagai kepentingan dan telah menetapkan tujuan-tujuan dalam kebijakan luar negerinya. Namun upaya pencapaian kepentingan dan tujuan tersebut, terutama berkenaan dengan stabilitas di Semenanjung, seringkali dihadapkan pada tantangan, Aksi-Aksi provokatif dari Korea Utara merupakan salah satu isu yang serius dan perilaku yang tidak diinginkan oleh Korea Selatan. Oleh karena itu Korea Selatan melakukan sejumlah kebijakan luar negeri dalam upayanya untuk mencegah aksi provokatif dari Korea Utara, yang dalam penelitian ini difokuskan pada periode tiga tahun pertama pemerintahan Lee Myung Bak tahun 2008 hingga 2010. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif deksriptif analitis, artikel ini mencoba untuk mengidentifikasi kebijakan luar negeri Korea Selatan dalam mencegah aksi provokasi dari Korea Utara. Artikel menunjukkan bahwa Korea Selatan menggunakan taktik pengaruh untuk mencegah provokasi Korea Utara dan memanfaatkan kapabilitas ekonominya untuk mendukung kebijakan tersebut. Adapun penggunaan taktik pengaruh oleh Korea Selatan tersebut bergantung pada kasus dan tingkat aksi provokasi Korea Utara, mulai dari penggunaan taktik persuasi hingga penalti hukuman non-kekerasan, termasuk di dalamnya penggunaan taktik kekerasan secara terbatas ketika aksi provokasi tidak dapat dihentikan dan cegah dengan taktik lain. ]]>
<![CDATA[PERTANGGUNGJAWABAN POLITIK PRESIDEN PASCA AMANDEMEN UUD 1945 ]]>
<![CDATA[-, Hendra]]>
<![CDATA[ JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Vol 1, No 1 (2016): JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) Maret ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Ilmu Politik, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jwp.v1i1.10544
<![CDATA[After the UUD 1945 amendment, there is fundamental change in the Indonesian governmental system. This changes well-marked with the facts that after amandement there is an alteration to the patern of president or vice president election, and the regulation of the relation between president and DPR. This changes has influence the president political responsibility after amandement.]]>
