Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review is political science's premier scholarly research journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles and review essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: local politics, ethics and politics, public policy, and others. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review has published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online). Published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science (APSIPOL).
Articles
278 Documents
<![CDATA[Estimating Policy Position of the Candidates in the 2017 Gubernatorial Election in Jakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Gunawan, Aditya Batara]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 2 (2018): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v3i2.13429
<![CDATA[This study attempts to understand the policy position of candidates in the 2017 gubernatorial election in Jakarta. This study utilized the concept of “policy position†–which has been widely discussed in the electoral studies— in order to distinguish policy orientation of political parties/candidates, and explaining voter preferences in electoral competition. In so doing, this study introduces the application of the quantitative text analysis method with the Wordfish model towards electoral platform of candidates in the 2017 gubernatorial election in Jakarta to estimate their policy positions. The model calculates word distribution and word frequency in the electoral platforms by using simple Poisson process of statistical distribution. The process results in two key findings: two pairs of candidates (Agus-Sylvy and Anies-Sandi) indicated closer policy distance in the policy space, and socioeconomic issues emerged as central feature in the political rhetoric across the candidates. These findings are further confirmed by the observation of the voter preference distributions and the public statements of each candidate during the election.]]>
<![CDATA[Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) dan Tantangan Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Suyatno, Suyatno]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 2 (2016): Pilkada Serentak di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i2.6586
<![CDATA[Direct local leader elections (Pilkada) had replaced indirect local elections. It based on the spirit of people empowerment to participate choosing local leaders more democratic. Responsiveness is an important element besides participation which represent local democracy. These two variables will decide the local elections that can enhance the quality of local democracy. This paper uses qualitative methodology to analyze the data of participation and responsiveness of Pilkada as an important variables in local democracy. People participation in Pilkada is not as high as the participation in New Order elections. Their participation are more substantive because accompanied assessment of the level of responsiveness of a local leader. Incumbent successful running of local responsiveness will get continued success as the next local elections victory. In contrast, incumbent who failed in the implementation of responsiveness will obtain defeat. Victory and defeat incumbent in the election can be stated that the relevance of participation and responsiveness become very important in the local democratic process as a whole.]]>
<![CDATA[Kombinasi untuk Penguatan Demokrasi: Kapasitas Lembaga Representasi Politik di Surakarta oleh PDI-P dan KOMPIP ]]>
<![CDATA[Yodi, Aris Setiawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 2 (2017): Tema Umum: Politik Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i2.9397
<![CDATA[The dynamicity of democratization in Indonesia has been running for a long time since President Soeharto eras felt and tend to be stagnant if they not deemed declined. Some of democratic institutions that have fundamental role in representing society in public policy legislations are exactly in lower point. This research was conducted to map the representation of capacity for formal and informal institution of democracy. How the capacity for representation formal and informal representation institutions in Surakarta? Through the PDI-P and KOMPIP Solo, two important institution which role the democratization process in Surakarta. Hopefully, it can be used as a reference to start cooperation between democratic institutions. This research is intended to expose the collaboration between formal and informal institutions that has different strengths and weaknesses among others. PDI-P has settle form of political capacity and big masses. Meanwhile, the capacity of KOMPIP is very technocratic, which is seen from some training efforts and empowerment of citizens with hard skill and soft skill things. It indicates, if the two institutions with different characters are able to cooperate well, it will guarantee the democratic life in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Partai Politik Islam dan Pemilihan Umum Studi Peningkatan Dukungan Elektoral PKB dan PPP Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2014 DPR RI di Dapil DKI Jakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Malik, Donie Kadewandana]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9180
<![CDATA[This study aimed to analyze the increase of voice support of Islamic parties (PKB and PPP) on Legislative Election 2014 House of Representative Republic of Indonesia in DKI Jakarta Constituency. Referring to the results of Legislative Elections on 2004 and 2009, PKB and PPP votes have significant decreased. However, political constellation changed in the 2014 election, votes of PKB and PPP have increased. The increase of electoral support of the majority of political parties on the legislative elections 2014, is a new phenomenon in the Reformation Era. Before 2014 election, there were predictions of analysts and institutions survey stated that the party vote-Islamic political party will be difficult to rise and tend to decline as in the 2004 and 2009 elections. But the forecast is not proven, the majority of Islamic political power has increased in the 2014 election. Therefore, this article will describe more about the factors causing the increase in electoral support of PKB and PPP on Legislative Election 2014 House of Representative Republic of Indonesia in DKI Jakarta Constituency]]>
<![CDATA[‘Is Ethnicity the Root of all Evil?’ Engaging Macro and Micro Analysis of Ethnic Violence in Post New-order Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Zein, Rizqy Amelia]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 2 (2018): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v3i2.13985
<![CDATA[In this theoretical review, the author examines intergroup conflicts and genocides in post New-Order Indonesia as the manifestation of politicised nationalism by employing several theoretical approaches. The theoretical review starts from combining micro (social-psychological approach) and macro perspectives (sociological and political approach) to answer these following questions; (a) how do we explain intragroup conflicts and genocides, especially in post New-Order Indonesia, as the consequences of nationalism’s existence? (b) In what circumstances are intergroup conflict, or in the most extreme case; genocide, likely to occur? Thus, the theoretical review is structured into four parts; addressing the problem of intergroup conflict and genocide as well as emphasising its importance to be aware of; tracing back the emergence of the nation using Smith and Barthian’s ethno-symbolic approach; narrating the conditions in which allow intergroup conflict arose; and some concluding remarks.]]>
<![CDATA[Bagongan, Pilkada Serentak dan Demokrasi yang Cedera: Belajar dari Purbalingga ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurprojo, Indaru Setyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 2 (2016): Pilkada Serentak di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i2.6580
<![CDATA[This article would like to write about the effects of the simultaneous election policy on the quality of democracy at the local level. In 2015, the election policy applied simultaneously. In practice, the elections simultaneously chosen to emphasize the effectiveness and efficiency of the budget and not for the instruments to the process of deepening democracy. In effect, femonena bagongan happened in the elections Purbalingga. Bagongan has become a form of resistance of the people against the elite political parties and form of movement is unwilling to political parties.]]>
<![CDATA[Hard and Soft Border Paradigm for Border Governance in Indonesia: A General Review ]]>
<![CDATA[Ulfa, Nadlirotul]]>;
<![CDATA[Fimmastuti, Desiana Rizka]]>;
<![CDATA[Nia Rahmah, Anisa Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v3i1.9396
<![CDATA[This study focuses on border governance paradigm for various relevant policies in Indonesia. By applying literature review method, it reveals that Indonesian border governance paradigm has shifted from hard to soft border paradigm. The change has significant impact on how managing border areas in the country. In fact, both paradigms have their own advantages and limitations. This study also shows that the preference between hard or soft boarder paradigm influences the decisions on how the government understand the complexity of the border.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi Menundukkan Anarki ]]>
<![CDATA[Said Akbar, Andi Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9073
<![CDATA[Freedom and political competition in the Indonesian democracy are vulnerable to the practices of antagonistic politics. It can be seen from the growing of violence acts as the struggle method of some mass organizations, whether those with the religious identity or those with the political identity. The triggering point can be from the reactionary response on the incapability of accepting the consequence of living for democracy prior to the context of implementing the tolerant and pluralist ethics.The rise of minority group reputation in the political arena, the policies that are not in favor of the majorityand the tolerance towards the other religious/belief groups are included in the list of issues which are vulnerable to the violence acts. In addition, the problem can also come from the ineffectiveness of the state in establishing the law and tranquility. In this case, the people use their own logic of power to substitute the failure of the state. Unfortunately, the state seems to ignore various diseases of social demoralization. The efficacious cure to organize social organizations is that the government shall release the mass organization law. However, the state undergoes the uneasy dilemma. The activists of civil society keep on guard against the state in order not to deeply intervene the civil public space. Therefore, the state and the society have to respect the constitution and make the democratic value as a tradition in the intern of mass organization. Then, the ethics is made as the basic for anticipating various social problems. Besides, the state has to be effective in establishing the law and tranquility in the living of democracy. So, the existence of the mass organization law can be understood together as long as the instrumental effectivity creates peace in the state.]]>
<![CDATA[Transformasi dan Dualisme Kelembagaan dalam Pemerintah Adat Minang: Studi terhadap Nagari Pariangan, Sumatera Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Hidayat, Yayan]]>;
<![CDATA[Febriyanto, Iwan Ismi]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadzir, Mahalli Hatim]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 2 (2017): Tema Umum: Politik Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i2.9021
<![CDATA[This paper describes the impact of dualism in institution of Nagari Pariangan caused by contestation of social control between state and local government through the Law no. 5 of 1979 and Regional Policy of Sumatera Barat number 2/2007. As a case of institutional transformation, Nagari Pariangan has faced some notorious shape until it was transformed as nagari. We found that the first transformation was the interest of state, and the second is the interest of local government. The results of the transformation are dualism of institution which has diminished political structure of governance and local values of Nagari society.]]>
<![CDATA[Pembangunan Desa Berbasis Potensi Lokal Agrowisata di Desa Bumiaji, Kota Batu, Jawa Timur ]]>
<![CDATA[Ulfah, Irma Fitriana]]>;
<![CDATA[Setiawan, Andi]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahmawati, Alfiyatur]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 1 (2017): UU Desa: Mewujudkan Kemandirian Aras Lokal atau Jebakan Ketergantungan Dana Pusa ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i1.8486
<![CDATA[Rural development one of them to do with the development of local potential. Bumiaji village is a village with a variety of potential agrotourism, ranging from travel picking apples, oranges, pink crystals, flower travel, etawa breeding, and Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises result from the production of agro stretcher. This study examined the theory of sustainable development according to Von Stoker which includes three aspects: ecological, social and economic. The results showed that the process of development in the village Bumiaji has fulfilled the aspects of sustainable development, but in the process is still not able to walk up. Agriowisata potential is the main resource in conducting ecological development. From the social aspect, the potential for ecotourism has provided benefits and impacts to the land owner, the village government and local residents. Bumiaji economic development relies on natural resources and the production of paddy fields. This agro-tourism development can increase people's income and the expansion of the labor force, so that the welfare of the citizens can be increased. Rural development based on local potential agro-tourism should be developed. This can be done through human resource development, promotion and improvement of facilities and infrastructure.]]>
