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AEGIS : Journal of International Relations
Published by President University
ISSN : 25411373     EISSN : 25484532     DOI : -
Core Subject : Humanities, Education, Art, Social,
Arts Humanities Social Sciences Other
AEGIS Journal of International Relations is a biannual journal which publishes articles on issues, events and discourses in International Relations on the bases of the broadening scope in the discipline.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 76 Documents
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Editorial Note - AEGIS Vol. 3, no. 1 Witri Elvianti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 1 (2018): September 2018 - February 2019
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (334.673 KB) | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v3i1.861

Abstract

Front Matter and Editorial Note for AEGIS Vol. 3, no. 1
Cynicism and the Collapse of Multilateralism Mahbi Maulaya
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i1.933

Abstract

International order is now witnessing the declining efficacy and extremely fragile condition of multilateralism. Several states start to doubt and leave international treaties, agreements, organizations, and institutions. This circumstance led into the speculation of “Multilateralism Collapse". Yet, there is only a small number of International Relations scholars who attempt to detect the general pattern that indicate the fundamental reason of relevant states to withdraw from multilateralism manifestation. Hence, this study is a preliminary attempt to fill the gap by providing a concrete explanation on the reason why the multilateralism is failing. This paper argues that the growing cynicism among the relation of international actors is served to be the reason of multilateralism free fall. There are two types of cynicism which this paper has discovered, the cynicism as a trigger and cynicism as a statement. Cynicism as a trigger tracked whereby the relevant state’s withdrawal from the multilateralism manifestation is merely caused by a sense of distrust. On the other hand, cynicism as a statement is the expression of relevant states to justify its withdrawal action and distract world’s attention from its hidden interest. Since this study requires a specific and deep interpretation on sets of event and data, the utilization of qualitative method was considered effective. This study applied two theoretical frameworks, namely cynicism and multilateralism.
Compliance Bargaining Mechanism as The Way to Ended Iran-Iraq War 1988 Aditya Maulana Hasymi
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i2.723

Abstract

AbstrakIsu-isu terkait budaya, ekonomi, dan nilai seringkali menghasilkan konflik. Tak terkecuali dengan isu perebutan wilayah. Salahsatu perang terbesar yang terkait dengan isu sengketa wilayah adalah perang Iran-Irak 1988. Perang Iran-Irak 1988 membawa sejarah besar dari kedua negara yang saling berhubungan dengan isu perebutan wilayah, perebutan pengaruh ideologi, dan isu ekonomi. Perang yang berlangsung cukup lama ini membuat Iran dan Irak menyadari akan kerugian jangka panjang yang dialami. Pada akhirnya, kedua negara sepakat untuk berdamai dalam sebuah proses yang melibatkan pihak ketiga. Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengambil peran sebagai pihak ketiga yang membantu penyelesaian perang antara Iran dan Irak. Resolusi no.598 yang disusun oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengarisbawahi akan pentingnya gencatan senjata dengan banyaknya kerugian dan korban jiwa yang muncul. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa upaya Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa menyusun resolusi no.598 dalam menyelesaikan perang Iran-Irak adalah penerapan dari mekanisme compliance bargaining pada proses resolusi konflik.Kata kunci: compliance bargaining, resolusi konflik, rezim, gencatan senjata AbstractConflictual issues can be about economy, culture and values, or even a border dispute. The class cannot be avoided because of several issues triggering the conflict and also several interests. One of the bigger wars that can be was the Iran-Iraq War at 1980-1988. This war brought the long history between both of those countries, which were related with border disputes, ideological influences, and economic war. Those of both countries is thinking that if the war is still being run, it is not giving any good advantage. The damage was so big. So, it required a process to bring the two states involved war into one meeting to talk about peace or end the war. The process is called a peace process. In this case, the peace process arranged by the involvement of third party. The United Nations take a role as the third party in Iran-Iraq War by formed a Resolution no 598. In the resolution the council expressed its concern that, despite its calls for ceasefire, the conflict between Iran and Iraq continued with heavy loss of life and material destruction. The Iran-Iraq war was ended through the resolution no 598 that was produced by the United Nations. Furthermore, this paper argue that the way of the United Nations ended the Iran-Iraq war through Resolution no 598 is implementing the theory of compliance bargaining in conflict resolution.Keywords: compliance bargaining, conflict resolution, regime, ceasefire
ASEAN 2025: Toward Increased Investment in the Southeast Asia Region? Ziegenhain, Patrick
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i1.791

Abstract

One of the major targets of the ASEAN Economic Community is to achieve a higher influx of foreign direct investments (FDI) into the region. By analyzing recent economic developments and weighing opportunities and challenges, this paper argues that there are good chances for a higher level of FDI in ASEAN until 2025. There are, however, several hindrances including the resistance of the ASEAN member states to accept further economic integration and a missing common regulatory framework, which will make it difficult to receive significantly more FDI in the near future.
Feasibility of Democratisation in Sub-Sahara Africa, A study of South Africa after Apartheid system Saka, Moshood
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i2.1129

Abstract

This article explores the intellectual ideas of Ake on feasibility of democratisation in Africa. Democratisation is feasible as government focuses on the real people irrespective of racial affinity. In the past, the apartheid government in South Africa was adjudged as obstacle to democracy because majority black were marginalised in the representative democracy. The African National Congress (ANC) developed a pressure against undemocratic laws of apartheid rule. This process translated to Trust Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a driving-mechanism towards peaceful negotiation in the country. While this is true, this article argues that transition to democratisation in 1994 by founding elections marked the beginning of a representative government. This article contests the current practice of democratisation by political disconnection of the popular party after the death of President Nelson Mandela. Finally, it is argued that feasibility of democracy is economic empowerment of the people but was trivialised in the country. The article further states the characters which marred democratisation process after the post-third wave. The article submits that there was adequate oversight functions which checked the excess power of executive arm and the others. This de facto is justified by the action of opposition parties such as EFF, DA, and IFP in the Freedom House. As a result, triangulation politics is recommended as mechanism which can promote national unity in the country. 
Review on South Korea-United States Trade Relations: The Significance of America First’s Doctrine Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum; Septian Nur Yekti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i1.882

Abstract

AbstractThe United States under President Donald Trump administration is marked by several government policies aimed at returning US leadership to the world political arena in both the economic and security fields. He argues that economic policy through the doctrine of America First will save income and create jobs for Americans and will help restructure the US economy. This paper describes the impact of America First's doctrine on US trade relations with South Korea. Refering to the history of US trade relations, the free market system has become a priority in international negotiations, both through bilateral and multilateral agreements. It examines South Korea has come out of the spirit of free trade agreed by the two countries. Since the implementation of Korus FTA until 2017, South Korea has adopted a policy pattern that initially did not comply with the poin of agreement. In March 2016, the senate head of the financial commission sent a letter to the South Korean ambassador discussing the implementation of commitments to data flow, transparency and predictability of pricing and reimbursement of pharmaceutical products and medical devices, and the possibility of US companies investing and operating with companies South Korea. The proposal for renegotiation was approved by South Korea in October 2017, which agreed to hold discussions for modification and amendment and fulfill the necessary domestic procedures in December 2017.Keywords: America First Doctrine, Foreign Policy, Korea, Negotiation, Trade
The Roots of Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Political Culture Analysis Ilmi Dwiastuti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i2.796

Abstract

Penyebab konflik berkepanjangan antara Israel dan Palestina telah menjadi perdebatan sejak konflik ini bermula di awal abad 20. Berbagai penelitian telah menjelaskan faktor-faktor penyebab konflik melalu berbagai instrument dan teori. Tulisan ini ingin menganalisis penyebab konflik dari sisi budaya politik masing-masing bangsa dengan menggunakan teori Budaya Politik dari Gabriel Almond dan Sydney Verba. Analisis akan dilihat dari tiga komponen. Pertama, sistem budaya, proses budaya, dan kebijakan budaya Israel dan Palestina. Kedua, orientasi perilaku masing-masing bangsa terhadap sistem politik. Ketiga, respon dan perilaku Israel dan Palestina terhadap kebijakan luar negeri dan dalam negeri di dalam sistem politik. Tulisan ini menilai bahwa penyebab konflik terjadi akibat adanya benturan kepentingan dan kepercayaan dari kedua pihak yang melekat pada budaya politik masing-masing. Israel meyakini bahwa tanah yang mulanya ditempati bangsa Palestina merupakan hak mereka yang diamanahkan kepercayaan mereka. Tidak hanya itu, misi pergerakan Zionisme juga menjadi salah satu sumber konflik berkepanjangan ini. Kemudian, nilai-nilai ini berbenturan dengan budaya politik bangsa Palestina sebagai bagian dari bangsa Arab. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa penggunaan teori budaya politik cukup untuk menjelaskan akar permasalahan Israel-Palestina selama ini dalam ranah identitas dan perilaku kedua bangsa berdasarkan kepentingan politiknya masing-masing. Namun, penggunaan teori ini kurang dapat menjabarkan dengan detail sejauh mana budaya politik bangsa Palestina menjadi akar dari konflik abadi ini. Kata Kunci: Israel-Palestine, Konflik, Budaya Politik, Orientasi Politik, Nilai
Balance of Threat of QSD toward China’s Presence in the South China Sea Muhammad Fikry Anshori
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i1.883

Abstract

AbstrakLatar belakang artikel ini adalah ekspansi China di Laut China Selatan serta pengaktifan kembali Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD adalah pertemuan non-formal yang beranggotakan United States, Australia, India, dan Japan. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjawab ‘Apa keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD pasca pengaktifan kembali mereka untuk menghadapi kehadiran China di Laut China Selatan?’. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah Balance of Threat dari Stephen Walt. Hasil dari artikel ini memperlihatkan keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD adalah lokasi geografis, sebagian besar sumber daya dan persenjataan, serta program latihan perang bersama dan modernisasi persenjataan. Keunggulan tersebut dapat digunakan QSD untuk menghadapi niat mengancam dari China dengan kehadiran mereka di Laut China Selatan.AbstractThe background of this article is the expansion of China in the South China Sea and the reactivation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD is an informal meeting with members from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. This article seeks to answer 'What advantages does QSD have after their reactivation to face China's presence in the South China Sea?'. The main theory used in this article is the Balance of Threat from Stephen Walt. The results of this article show the advantages possessed by QSD is the geographical location, the majority of resources and weapons, as well as joint war training and weapon modernization programs. These advantages can be used by QSD to face the threatening intentions of China with its presence in the South China Sea.
The Truth of Cultural Diplomacy Riski Muhamad Baskoro
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i2.1350

Abstract

Since the United States Information Agency (USIA) is no longer active to operate cultural diplomacy in the post-cold war, the concept of cultural diplomacy has experienced a time of crisis in the context of International Relations studies. For a decade, cultural diplomacy was marginalized and considered obsolete until finally in the early 2000s, cultural diplomacy was revived and activated both in practice and theory. Since then, cultural diplomacy has returned to its path. The discourse of cultural diplomacy in International Relations studies has developed to gain more specific activities. This is a qualitative research, with the aim of understanding cultural diplomacy in a more holistic way. The results of this study indicate a debate and a lack of consensus on several aspects of cultural diplomacy and bringing much unclear explanation.  This study also shows a dichotomy between cultural diplomacy and other approaches.
The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) Loan Projects: Analyzing The People’s Republic of China’s Multilayered Multilateralism Strategy to Turkey (2016-2018) Anggara Raharyo; Shelia Saady
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 1 (2020)
Publisher : President University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33021/aegis.v4i1.932

Abstract

The establishment of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was first marked with the proposition made by People’s Republic of China (PRC) President Xi Jinping in 2013. Many since then believes that the establishment of the AIIB is part of PRC’s bigger plan that is the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). The significance of Turkey strategic position for the implementation of BRI, it is very crucial for PRC to maintain a steady flow of cooperation with Turkey.  Out of 93 members that has joined as a part of AIIB, Turkey stands as the second largest loan receiver by the end of 2018. This article argues that PRC has been using AIIB as part as their BRI plan through its multilayered-multilateralism strategy to Turkey. This article analyze the loan policies that has been made by PRC and AIIB to Turkey from 2016 to 2018

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