Lembaran Sejarah
Lembaran Sejarah is a bilingual academic and peer-reviewed journal on Indonesian and regional history of Southeast Asia. It is part of a long tradition of journal publication of the Department of History at Universitas Gadjah Mada from the 1960s. The journal embraces articles on Indonesian history and historiography and comparative studies that places Indonesian history within local, regional and global contexts. We welcome researchers from any background fields to submit their research articles, book and film reviews in accordance with the journal focus and scope in English and Indonesian. Currently, Lembaran Sejarah accredited in Sinta 4 of Arjuna (Indonesian Indexing Journal).
Articles
147 Documents
<![CDATA[State and Economy during Modern Indonesia’s Change of Regime ]]>
<![CDATA[Jan Thomas Lindblad]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23649
<![CDATA[This article serves as a general introduction to the proceedings of an international conference on ‘State and Economy in Modern Indonesia’s Change of Regimes’, held in Leiden in 2011. The article offers a synthesis of fndings in a recent research effort concerning the relationship between state and economy at the time of Indonesia’s decolonization. Findings are embedded in a wider historiographical framework and draw specifcally on the individual contributions presented at the Leiden conference. Four categories of analysis are applied concerning respectively political ecoomy, economic policy, recurrent reform and impact. The synthesis highlights the great variety of interpretations of the profund changes taking place in Indonesia at thetime of decolonization and shortly afterwards. It also demonstrates the utility of international comparison. Specifc case studies are offered concerning food policies and social medicine in Indonesia. A new vision on the transitional period known as Guided Democracy and Guided Economy is offered.]]>
<![CDATA[State and Economy during Indonesia’s Transition to Sovereignty: A Comparison with the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan ]]>
<![CDATA[Thee Kian Wie]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23650
<![CDATA[This article discusses the role of the state and the economy in the transition from colonial rule to sovereignty in Indonesia in comparison with four other East Asian countries: the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. Of all these fve countries, Indonesia’s economic performance during the early 1950s was satisfactory, but very poor during the early 1960s. Of the four other East Asian countries, economic prospects of the Philippines during the early independence period appeared most promising, as it was the frst Southeast Asian country embarking on industrialization. However, during the next few decades the Philippines’ economy faltered, as the state was wrecked by political instability and rebellions by communist and Moslem insurgents. By contrast, because of strong and far-sighted leadership Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan were capable of realizing rapid growth fuelled by rapid export-oriented industrialization.]]>
<![CDATA[The Political Framework of Economic Decision-making in Indonesia and Vietnam, 1945-1950 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pham Van Thuy]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23651
<![CDATA[This article identifes similarities and differences in economic institutions and in decision-making in Indonesia and Vietnam immediately after independence. It focuses on political and educational backgrounds of the economic leadership in the two nations that played an important part in explaining difference in thinking with respect to economic policies and priorities in the struggle against colonial forces. Indonesian leaders were mostly pragmatic nationalist politicians who possessed experience from management of the economy and who were inclined to adopt a liberal approach to economic policy. Economic development and national sovereignty were given higher priority in comparison to the objectives of economic nationalism. By contrast, most members of the Vietnamese government were revolutionary leaders adhering to Communist ideology. They considered the task of economic nationalism and resistance against foreign aggressors inseparable.]]>
<![CDATA[Economic Regimes in the Long Decolonization of Indonesia: The Nexus between State and Business, 1930s-1950s ]]>
<![CDATA[Remco Raben]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23652
<![CDATA[This article discusses the relationship between private business and government during both the late-colonial period and the immediate post-independence era. Special attention is given to the chaotic conditions during the Indonesian Revolution in the second half of the 1940s. The article argues that the relationship was strong in both periods but of a fundamentally different nature after independence as compared to Dutch colonial rule. The colonial system of institutionalized business interests was not taken over by the Indonesian nationalists. The colonial system was replaced by a system in which privilege strongly depended on political connections, favouring some, but not all businessmen. Further research is needed to unveil the specifc nature of relationships between private businessmen and the Indonesian state.]]>
<![CDATA[The Politics of Food and Food Security during Indonesia’s Old Order (1945-1965) ]]>
<![CDATA[Nawiyanto Nawiyanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23653
<![CDATA[The early decades of Indonesian independence have often been described as a time of economic hardship. Food crises appeared to illustrate the absence of a strong state creating prosperity for the Indonesian people. By examining food-related policies on both the production and the consumption side, this article seeks to offer a more balanced view of the actual role of the state in achieving food self-suffciency and food security. I argue that there was a strong belief during the Old Order period that the state should play an important role in the food sector rather than letting the market mechanism determine. Various policies were executed by the government in order to increase food production and improve distribution. They were brought in practice in the feld and clearly indicate the active role that the state assumed in managing foodstuffs and food suffciency issues. The fact that food crises persisted, even later contributing to the regime change in the mid-1960s, was apparently not due to the absence of the state in the food sector, but rather to the failure of the state to overcome the hurdles of rapid population growth increasing the need for food as well as the failure to establish the political stability required for an effective and sustainable implementation of food policies.]]>
<![CDATA[The Indonesianization of Social Medicine ]]>
<![CDATA[Vivek Neelakantan]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23654
<![CDATA[The purpose of social medicine, which began in Europe as an academic discipline during the Second World War, was to investigate the correlation between specifc factors such as age, gender, race, heredity, economic circumstances, domestic environment, occupation and nutrition on health. Almost a decade later, Indonesian physicians applied social medicine ideas to promote public health in a country characterized by weak state intervention. These physicians eschewed the narrow correlation between poverty and ill health but reinterpreted social medicine within the Indonesian social context with its entrenched patriarchal system and cultural preferences. The wider theme explored in this article concerns the emergence of social medicine in twentieth-century Indonesia as a critical reaction to Dutch public health policies. The article examines the partnership between Indonesian physicians and the post-colonial state and their shared vision on state-guided social medicine, but does not explore why social medicine failed to usher in a transformation of the nation’s health system.]]>
<![CDATA[‘Guided Economics’: The Construction of Postcolonial Indonesian Political Images, 1950s-1960s ]]>
<![CDATA[Bambang Purwanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23655
<![CDATA[This contribution is about how political images created in Indonesia in the immediate aftermath of decolonization acquired a divisive rather than a unifying character. The answer is sought in the tendency towards guidance that came to the fore during the Guided Democracy and Guided Economy. The analysis starts with matters of periodization arguing that the Guided Democracy and Guided Ecoomy in fact began in early 1957. Then, the economic content of the newly created post-colonial images is surveyed. Finally, the article takes a closer look at the precise role played in this process by Soekarno and Hatta. The article concludes by pointing out the great diversity of perceptions of the Guided Economy and also the relatively weak economic substance in these perceptions.]]>
<![CDATA[Institutional Reforms of the Guided Democracy (1957-1965) ]]>
<![CDATA[Farabi Fakih]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23656
<![CDATA[Guided Democracy implemented a series of institutional reforms meant to coordinate national planning and control the civil service. I argue that the development of new institutions may allow for the formation of the New Order state. The article looks at how a highly politicized and very ineffcient state was a precursor to Indonesia’s twentieth- century developmental state. Understanding more about the Guided Democracy state is essential in understanding the New Order state, and thus Indonesian post-colonial history.]]>
<![CDATA[Sejarah, Bahasa, dan Kekuasaan: Wacana Etnisitas dalam Historiografi Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadly Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 2 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23700
<![CDATA[When ethnology was institutionalized, it became a politic of knowledge by the colonial power. Many of the texts and images were published in the form of monographs, maps, dictionaries and even Bible form. Ethnic identity was mapped. Today the construction of ethnicity is important. In Indonesia ethnicity is a sensitive issue. Bias, stereotype and interethnic conflict often happens throughout the history of Indonesia. This paper tries to analyze the connection between history, language, and political power as an early construction of ethnic identity in Indonesia by tracing works in Indonesia historiography.]]>
<![CDATA[Postur Maritim Indonesia: Pengukuran Melalui Teori Mahan ]]>
<![CDATA[Lillyana Mulya]]>
<![CDATA[ Lembaran Sejarah Vol 10, No 2 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23701
<![CDATA[This paper examines the debate in 1941 between Dutch historian J.C. van Leur and Verhoeven on the so-called Mahan Theory of the sea power of the East Indie Company (Vereenigde van OostIndie Compagnie, VOC). Alfred Thaye Mahan, an American maritime historian of the nineteenth century, inserted the idea of a seapower state, which implied that the United Kingdom was an ideal maritime state for the strong structure and effcient work of its sea power. Verhoeven used Mahan’s category of seapower to suggest that the VOC was a naval power of the seventeen century. However, Leur criticized Verhoeven saying that he had missed to address the element of the period the term naval power began to be accepted as a theoretical category. This paper argues that the debate between Leur and Verhoeven is relevant today as to re-consider the concept of archipelagic country, wawasan nusantara, that Indonesia has adopted so far.]]>
