Indonesian Journal of International Relations
IJIR is a scientific journal focuses on the issues of states relations both in the regional and international scope. Mostly on, but not limited to, Indonesia and the Southeast Asian region.
IJIR is published by and served as the official journal of the International Relations National Association in Indonesia. It aims to publish high-quality articles as an academic contribution and foreign policy considerations through the dissemination of highly stimulated theoretical and empirical research with a clear methodology for international readers.
Articles
87 Documents
<![CDATA[KEPENTINGAN CINA DALAM PEMBANGUNAN PANGKALAN MILITER DI DJIBOUTI PADA TAHUN 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Arif Darmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Intan Widya Ningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 4 No 2 (2020): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v4i2.126
<![CDATA[China is not only the most populated country in the world. China's success is so rapidly, especially in the economic field that China so overwhelmed many countries. Entering a new chapter in the 21st century is not only focused on economic, China then renewed its defense policy to strengthen China's sovereignty and achieve its national interests. One of China's strategies was to build its first military base in Djibouti, Africa, in 2016 then. It was a new history for China in its military field. This study aims to analyze the intentions and objectives of China that built its military base in Djibouti using the neorealist theory of Kenneth Waltz. The focus of this research lead to the China’s military base that grown from some factors and the effect on the global order.]]>
<![CDATA[ANALISIS MOTIF PROYEK PEMBANGUNAN REL KERETA API KUNMING-SINGAPURA (2015-2017) ]]>
<![CDATA[Andi Wirapratama]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i1.128
<![CDATA[ABSTRACT China is popularizing the Belt Road Initiative or abbreviated as BRI, which is an ambitious development plan involving many regions throughout the world. One of BRI's projects is the construction of the Kunming-Singapore railroad track. BRI's motives are still confusing between the economy and geopolitics. Not to mention, there is a paradox in China's leadership statement regarding BRI as a political or economic foreign policy tool. As a result, the railroad project also has a mixed motive. This research attempts to uncover the motive of Kunming-Singapore Railroad construction project. This study tries to analyze this phenomenon with three concepts, offensive realism, commercial liberalism, and Giovanni Arrighi's capitalism mode. The results of this study show that the railroad project has economic and geopolitical factors behind it. Economic and geopolitical factors are both dominating and complementing China's decision to invest in this project due to changes in the structure of the domestic and international economy and to maximize wealth in order to become a Great Power. Keywords: ABSTRAK Tiongkok sedang mempopulerkan Belt Road Initiative atau disingkat BRI, yang merupakan sebuah rencana pembangunan ambisius yang melibatkan banyak kawasan di seluruh dunia. Salah satu proyek BRI adalah pembangunan jalur rel kereta api Kunming-Singapura. Motif BRI saat ini masih simpang siur, antara ekonomi dan geopolitik. Belum lagi, ada paradoks dalam pernyataan kepemimpinan Tiongkok terkait BRI sebagai alat politik atau ekonomi. Walhasil, proyek jalur rel kereta api ini juga memiliki motif yang simpang siur. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengungkap proyek pembangunan Jalur Rel Kereta Api Kunming-Singapura. Penelitian ini mencoba menganalisis fenomena ini dengan tiga konsep, offensive realism, commercial liberalism, dan mode kapitalisme Giovanni Arrighi, Hasil dari penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa proyek jalur kereta api ini memiliki faktor ekonomi dan geopolitik yang melatarbelakanginya. Faktor ekonomi maupun geopolitik sama-sama mendominasi dan saling melengkapi keputusan Tiongkok untuk berinvestasi dalam proyek ini disebabkan karena perubahan struktur ekonomi domestik dan internasional serta berupaya untuk memaksimalkan kekayaan agar dapat menjadi Great Power. Kata kunci: BRI; RRC; Kunming; Singapura; rel kereta api.]]>
<![CDATA[KONTRIBUSI INDONESIA DALAM HUBUNGAN SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION PERIODE 2016-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Naufal Dzikri]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 4 No 2 (2020): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v4i2.133
<![CDATA[Indonesia as a developing country that embraces foreign policy that is free and active, participates in the development of other developing countries in South-South Cooperation. This participation is also stated in the mandate for the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution to enhance Indonesia's role in international development cooperation. Indonesia's contribution is an interesting thing to discuss because Indonesia as one of the developing countries contributes quite significantly to other countries. In this journal, it uses qualitative research methods which are sourced from existing literature and data. The results of this discussion can be seen that the assistance that Indonesia provides is more in the form of services and in the form of seminar programs. This discussion focuses on the assistance that Indonesia provided during the period of President Joko Widodo, especially in 2016-2018. The focus of the assistance that Indonesia provides is Asian countries, especially the South Pacific region. This is because there is an interest that Indonesia carries in carrying out SSC assistance for the region. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara berkembang yang menganut politik luar negeri yang bersifat bebas dan aktif, turut serta dalam pembangunan negara berkembang lainnya dalam South-South Cooperation. Partisipasi ini juga seperti yang tertuang dalam amanat Pembukaan UUD 1945 untuk meningkatkan peran Indonesia dalam kerja sama pembangunan internasional. Kontribusi Indonesia menjadi hal yang menarik untuk dibahas karena Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara berkembang memberikan kontribusi yang cukup berpengaruh bagi negara lainnya. Jurnal ini dalam pembuatannya menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang bersumber kepada literature maupun data-data yang sudah ada. Hasil dari pembahasan ini dapat dilihat bahwasannya bantuan yang Indonesia berikan lebih bersifat berupa jasa dan berbentuk program-program seminar. Pembahasan ini berfokus pada bantuan yang Indonesia berikan pada masa Periode Presiden Joko Widodo, khususnya pada tahun 2016-2018. Fokus dari bantuan yang Indonesia berikan adalah negara Asia khususnya kawasan Pasifik Selatan. Hal ini karena terdapat kepentingan yang Indonesia bawa dalam melakukan bantuan SSC bagi kawasan tersebut.]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN ILO DALAM MENGATASASI MASALAH PEKERJA ANAK PENGUNGSI SURIAH DI TURKI ]]>
<![CDATA[Dinda Larasati]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 4 No 2 (2020): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v4i2.136
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini membahas tentang peran organisasi internasional yaitu ILO dalam mengatasi permasalahan pekerja anak pengungsi Suriah di Turki. Jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif dengan rumusan masalah “bagaimana peran ILO dalam mengatasi permasalahan pekerja anak pengungsi Suriah di Turki?”. Peneliti menggunakan teori peran organisasi internasional sebagai kerangka utama dalam penelitian ini dan menggunakan konsep human security sebagai konsep pendukung yang menjelaskan mengenai masalah pekerja anak sebagai salah satu isu kemanusiaan. Sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan yaitu telaah kepustakaan atau studi dokumentasi. Berdasarkan pada telaah yang dilakukan, hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa ILO sebagai organisasi internasional yang bergerak dibidang ketenagakerjaan memiliki dua peran dalam upaya mengatasi permasalahan pekerja anak di Turki, yaitu sebagai arena dan aktor. Sebagai arena artinya ILO menjadi forum atau wadah bagi negara-negara anggotanya untuk bertemu, berdiskusi, merumuskan kebijakan, dan memecahkan permasalahan baik domestic maupun internasional. Sedangkan sebagai aktor independen artinya ILO memiliki kemampuan untuk membuat keputusan-keputusan sendiri tanpa dipengaruhi oleh kekuasaan atau paksaan dari luar organisasi.]]>
<![CDATA[BRI AS INTERNATIONAL NORM CONSTRUCTION OF CHINESE "GREEN DEVELOPMENT" STRATEGY IN ASIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Azzhary Muhammad Rio]]>;
<![CDATA[Hilfi Biyan Firza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i1.143
<![CDATA[For several decades, the environmental considerations have been one of a neglected aspect of China’s development process. The massive development and industrialization process have a direct impact on environmental degradation in China, causing considerable economic losses for this country. But now China is no longer a country with an image of development that is not environmentally friendly. That old image seems to be changing, from being not environmentally friendly to pay more attention to develop more “green” development. This change can be seen through the implementation of green development agenda on Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) mega-project. The project is not only China's economic instrument in expanding its market and investment but also can be seen as a tool to construct China's new norms in international level, especially in Asia. The new norm is green development. Thanks to BRI, China has positioned itself as one of the leading countries on the green development agenda. This paper will examine the extent of the changes have been taken place by using constructivism perspective through the Norm Diffusion Theory of Finnemore and Sikkink (1998). The norm diffusion theory will be elaborated from two aspects, first is the norm entrepreneur, and second is the norm life cycle. State actor and non-state actor roles of China are both important players and decision-makers for steering the BRI project on an expected track. Not only that, the establishment of the International Coalition for Green Development on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRIGC) at the beginning of 2019 reflects China's strong commitment to a green development agenda that appears to have been successfully internalized in the Asia region.]]>
<![CDATA[SECURITIZATION IN THE PHILIPPINES’ DRUG WAR: DISCLOSING THE POWER-RELATIONS BETWEEN DUTERTE, FILIPINO MIDDLE CLASS, AND THE URBAN POOR: Disclosing the Power-Relations between Duterte, Filipino Middle Class, and the Urban Poor ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Anugrah Utama]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i1.146
<![CDATA[Since his inauguration in late June 2016, Duterte has adopted “shoot-to-kill” policy for suspected criminals and drug addicts. Despite public support, the policy received growing international backlash over extra-judicial killing and mass slaughter of youth, mainly the urban poor communities. This paper attempts to analyze the process of securitization waged by President Duterte to construct a state of emergency of drugs so that extraordinary yet outrageous measures can be justified by using the Copenhagen School’s securitization concept developed by Buzan, Waever, and Wilde (1998). This paper argues that President Duterte’s speech acts and politicization of threats successfully build public support of harsher law enforcement on drug-related crime. Furthermore, the paper also connects the dot between the securitization of drugs as Duterte’s political weapon and the disproportionate impact it has on the minority poor and vulnerable children. Using the critical application of securitization theory developed by Charett (2009), the paper concludes that the asymmetrical power relations will lead to securitizing actor maintaining its power in the expense of oppressing the marginalized voice, especially the minority poor and children population, thus de-securitization model (Hansen, 2012) is more effective in dealing drug-related crimes in the Philippines.]]>
<![CDATA[THE NATIONAL INTEREST OF CHINA IN THEIR ECONOMIC COOPERATION WITH THE GAMBIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Omar Samba]]>;
<![CDATA[Ebrima Jatta]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i1.184
<![CDATA[This paper aims at finding out the national interest of China in conducting economic cooperation with the Gambia from 2016. Relying on qualitative inquiry, this research is informed by the theoretical concepts from national interest. In terms of national interest, the political aspect of the national interest of Morgenthau and the economic aspect of Donald E. Nuechterlein is used to analyze the national interest of China in the Gambia. To answer the research question: What is China’s national interest in their economic cooperation with the Gambia? The research finds out that China has political and economic interests in the Gambia. Politically, China’s interest in the Gambia is clearly stated in the joint communique signed between China and the Gambia when they were resuming their diplomatic relations in 2016. As a form of this agreement, the Gambia is supporting the One-China principle by not opening official relations with Taiwan. Finally, China retains an economic interest to secure the Gambian market for Chinese products and natural resources for Chinese manufacturing industries. Most importantly, is the port of the Gambia which has a strategic location in the west Africa region and is crucial to the China’s belt and road initiative. China has become one of the major sources of financial support for the Gambia since resuming economic cooperation in 2016. This financial support includes giving loans, grants, aid, and trade. As can be seen from the analysis of the dependency perspective, this research shows that China uses its loans and grants to monopolized the Gambia market for Chinese goods and Chinese investment which likely creates contracts for Chinese companies and provide job opportunities for Chinese citizens. Keywords: national interest, China, The Gambia, economic cooperation, one-china principle.]]>
<![CDATA[TANTANGAN SUPRANASIONALITAS UNI EROPA: KOMPARASI INTEGRASI POLITIK PADA KRISIS EUROZONE 2008 DAN KRISIS PENGUNGSI 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Demas Nauvarian]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i1.185
<![CDATA[The European Union is widely referred to as the international organization at the regional level with the highest integration phase. His journey is thought to have united the continent of Europe in a post-modern supranational political institution with a new post-Westphalia identity - European continental identity. This can be defined as a process of political integration. The process marked by the transfer of sovereignty, for example, can be seen in the European Union's ability to handle the Euro crisis in 2008. However, along the way, the political integration of the European Union is considered to be weakening. Post-Crisis 2008, the European Union experienced another challenge in the form of the 2014-2015 Refugee Crisis. This paper aims to answer questions related to why there is a weakening of the political integration of the European Union in these two challenges. By using the method of cross-longitudinal comparative studies on the responses of countries to the EU's decisions in the two challenges above, this paper argues that the increase in right-wing populism in various countries, particularly in Eastern and Central European countries, is a factor. the main part of the start to break up the political integration of the European Union. This paper concludes that the political values of right-wing populism that focus on nation-state nationalism are contrary to the basic values of the European Union which focus on liberal internationalism, and will become an obstacle to the future of EU political integration.]]>
<![CDATA[THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION TO INCREASE INTEGRATION AND INDEPENDENCE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MILITARY COOPERATION ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>;
<![CDATA[Bastian Andhony Toy]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i2.193
<![CDATA[This paper aims to discuss the efforts of the European Union in enhancing integration and defense-security cooperation through the establishment of Permanent Structured Cooperation. This paper seeks to answer how the formation of PESCO can increase the integration and independence of military cooperation between EU member states. Whereas before there has been a North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a security pillar that has long been recognized in the European region. The author uses the theory of regional security complex and the concept of collective security in analyzing related phenomena. This research uses descriptive method with qualitative approach. The data collection technique is literature study consisting of books, journals, and including data from reliable websites to support the explanation of this paper. The results of this research indicate the establishment of PESCO as a form of implementation of Article 42 paragraph 6 of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 concerning the efforts of member countries in establishing defense-security cooperation within the European Union framework. The establishment of the PESCO was also based on doubts by the European Union on the role of the US in NATO, but PESCO did not directly replace NATO but rather as a complement to autonomous and effective crisis resolution.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK OFENSIF AMERIKA SERIKAT TERHADAP SIKAP DEFENSIF IRAN: DARI PERANG PROKSI HINGGA DOMINASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Zainal Mustofa]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurus Syarifah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2021): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v5i2.203
<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This article describes the conflict between the United States and Iran in the form of a proxy war taking place in Syria and Yemen. The conflict culminated in the attack from US against Iran on January 3, 2020 in Iraq. The proxy war that took place between US and Iran, the plan of the US when cornered by Iran, and Iran’s response to the actions of the US will be explain in this paper. This study uses Offense-Defense theory as a means of analyzing the two countries. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical. The research concludes that the US and Iran are involved in proxy wars in Syria and Yemen. In Syria, the US stands as a supporter of government groups. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a group supporting the government. In Yemen, the US stands as a supporter of the government. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a supporter of supporters. The series of proxy wars led to an escalation due to the conflict suffered by the US. The White House then killed Mayor General Qassem Soleimani, who is an influential general in Iran, for being the actor behind the failure of their plan. Iran then responded with attacks on US military bases in Iraq. The reply is also an important concern for the US to increase security in its region. Keywords: conflict culminated; proxy war; offense-defense; Qassem Soleimani. ABSTRAK Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang konflik antara Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam bentuk perang proksi yang terjadi di Suriah dan Yaman. Kulminasi konflik tersebut berupa serangan dari AS terhadap Iran pada tanggal 3 Januari 2020 di Irak. Perang proksi yang terjadi antara AS-Iran, rencana AS ketika tersudutkan oleh Iran, dan respons Iran terhadap tindakan AS akan dipaparkan dalam tulisan ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori ofensif-defensif sebagai sarana untuk menganalisis konflik kedua negara. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa AS dan Iran terlibat perang proksi di Suriah dan Yaman. Di Suriah, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung kelompok oposisi pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai kelompok pendukung pemerintah. Di Yaman, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai pendukung oposisi. Serangkaian perang proksi tersebut menimbulkan eskalasi konflik akibat kekalahan yang diderita oleh AS. Pihak Gedung Putih kemudian membunuh Mayor Jenderal Qassem Soleimani yang merupakan jenderal berpengaruh di Iran karena dianggap sebagai aktor di balik kegagalan rencana mereka. Iran kemudian merespons dengan serangan ke basis militer AS di Irak. Balasan tersebut sekaligus menjadi atensi penting bagi AS untuk meningkatkan keamanan di wilayahnya. Kata kunci: kulminasi konflik; perang proksi; teori ofensif-defensif; Qassem Soleimani.]]>
