Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society
Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society (IJRS) is a peer review of scientific journals that publish the results of studies that focus on interactions between religion and society, both theoretically and empirically. The IJRS aims to disseminate knowledge related to religion and society with multidisciplinary approach, multilevel analysis, and multi-method. For this reason, the IJRS encourages comparative approaches from various countries, regions and religions.
Articles
61 Documents
<![CDATA[Neo-Esktraktivisme Tambang Timah di Pulau Bangka ]]>
<![CDATA[Agung Nugraha]]>;
<![CDATA[Semiarto A. Purwanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i1.95
<![CDATA[Tin mining on Bangka Island was monopolized by large companies since the colonial period until twenty years ago. Furthermore, illegal tin miners or unconventional mines (tambang inkonvensional or TI) are the main actors in tin exploitation. We conducted research on the network of tin mining actors to explain the social relations, capital, and business of tin miners. Through the case study method, we observed and interviewed our informants during the March-October 2018 period. Within the neo-extractivism framework, we examined that TI players were connected to the mining business supported by global investment through a network of sub-collectors, collectors, and the smelting industry. This network serves to legalize the tin obtained by TI while ensuring the supply of industrial raw materials to support exports. We conclude that there has been a shift from production to distribution sectors. When emphasis on production processes, various institutional decays occur which involve state actors in it. Next, as attention is paid to the distribution chain, a shadow network that hides behind official companies emerges.]]>
<![CDATA[Neo-Esktraktivisme Tambang Timah di Pulau Bangka ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugraha, Agung]]>;
<![CDATA[Purwanto, Semiarto A.]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i1.95
<![CDATA[Tin mining on Bangka Island was monopolized by large companies since the colonial period until twenty years ago. Furthermore, illegal tin miners or unconventional mines (tambang inkonvensional or TI) are the main actors in tin exploitation. We conducted research on the network of tin mining actors to explain the social relations, capital, and business of tin miners. Through the case study method, we observed and interviewed our informants during the March-October 2018 period. Within the neo-extractivism framework, we examined that TI players were connected to the mining business supported by global investment through a network of sub-collectors, collectors, and the smelting industry. This network serves to legalize the tin obtained by TI while ensuring the supply of industrial raw materials to support exports. We conclude that there has been a shift from production to distribution sectors. When emphasis on production processes, various institutional decays occur which involve state actors in it. Next, as attention is paid to the distribution chain, a shadow network that hides behind official companies emerges.]]>
<![CDATA[Relasi Kuasa Dalam Tataniaga Pertanian Komoditas Cabai di Desa Giri Mulyo, Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi ]]>
<![CDATA[Wibi Wijaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i1.76
<![CDATA[Giri Mulyo village of West Kayu Ayo district was known as the biggest the biggest chilli-producing village in Kerinci Regency. In addition, this village also produce the commodity of potatoes and other agricultural products such as shallots, cabbage, mustard greens, tomatoes, and other types of vegetables which are marketed to various regions. The purpose of this research was to investigate the commerce and authority relations formed between chilli farmers and chilli merchants. This reseach conducted qualitatively through observation, deep interview and document study to collect desired data. The result of study showed that in terms of commodity price, the farmers were dependant to merchant decision, and in fact they sometimes suffered losses. Moreover, the chilli farmers especially the sharecroppers sold their product to merchants because they had been their old clients. This relation was maintained because the farmers and the sharecroppers usually depended on them in running their farming business. Furthermore, the authority relation formed between the parties was also influenced by factors of culture, farmer’s helplessness, and market situation.]]>
<![CDATA[Relasi Kuasa Dalam Tataniaga Pertanian Komoditas Cabai di Desa Giri Mulyo, Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi ]]>
<![CDATA[Wijaya, Wibi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i1.76
<![CDATA[Giri Mulyo village of West Kayu Ayo district was known as the biggest the biggest chilli-producing village in Kerinci Regency. In addition, this village also produce the commodity of potatoes and other agricultural products such as shallots, cabbage, mustard greens, tomatoes, and other types of vegetables which are marketed to various regions. The purpose of this research was to investigate the commerce and authority relations formed between chilli farmers and chilli merchants. This reseach conducted qualitatively through observation, deep interview and document study to collect desired data. The result of study showed that in terms of commodity price, the farmers were dependant to merchant decision, and in fact they sometimes suffered losses. Moreover, the chilli farmers especially the sharecroppers sold their product to merchants because they had been their old clients. This relation was maintained because the farmers and the sharecroppers usually depended on them in running their farming business. Furthermore, the authority relation formed between the parties was also influenced by factors of culture, farmer’s helplessness, and market situation.]]>
<![CDATA["Bercadar Itu Pengakuan"; Reproduksi Makna Cadar di Kalangan Pengguna ]]>
<![CDATA[Vivi Sartika]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Yusuf]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i2.107
<![CDATA[This study aims to explain the production and reproduction of the meaning of the niqab among the female student who wear niqab at UIN Imam Bonjol Padang. This study used a qualitative research method (field research), with data collection using in-depth interviews with several female students that wearing the niqab at UIN Imam Bonjol Padang. This study uses Antony Giddens' structuring theoretical approach and focuses on how the female student who wearing the niqab produce and reproduce the meaning of the niqab in education. This study found that the actions of wearing the niqab take have created resources for female who wearing niqab in education. These resources can be seen from the reproduction of the meaning of the niqab as a form of applying religious doctrines (personal protection) and the niqab as a form of power (praying for individuals to wear the niqab). This study draws the conclusion that the resource is born on the basis of the practice of the women who wear niqab, but on the other hand, the practice is born in a structure that is restrictive and liberating.]]>
<![CDATA[Covid-19 dan Gerakan Sosial Perempuan ]]>
<![CDATA[Ujang Wardi]]>;
<![CDATA[Elfia Elfia]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 3, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v3i1.147
<![CDATA[This study explains how social movements are initiated by women's groups. The movement carried out penetrates various spaces in the social environment and even traditional institutions as groups that have authority. Through a descriptive approach and in-depth interview techniques, this study answers questions about how women's groups carry out social movements by constructing the issue of the non-transparent distribution of Covid-19 aid. Thus, the mobilizing structure, which is carried out systematically, attracts traditional institutions (ninik mamak) in the vortex of conflict. This study found that the sources of issues from social movements carried out by women's groups were (a) information from the deputy governor regarding the distribution of Covid-19 aid, (b) nepotism and collusion from the nagari government. Two framing issues (framing) are then packaged through social media to attract the power to carry out mass actions (demonstrations). This study concludes that the demonstration of women giving birth is a new policy related to the distribution of Covid-19 by the government.]]>
<![CDATA[Dinamika Pengakuan Penghayat Kepercayaan di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristina Viri]]>;
<![CDATA[Zarida Febriany]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i2.119
<![CDATA[Indonesia has various local religions that live a hundred years, even before independence. These religions are known as “Penghayat Kepercayaan”. In history, the adherents of these beliefs experienced hardship dynamics to gain recognition from the State. The methodology that has been used for this research is a normative juridical or documentary study with qualitative analysis. The result and discussions of this research concluded that Article 28E of the 1945’s Constitution guaranteed everyone to have the right of freedom to believe. However, the reality is the opposite as the State is discriminating between the officials and the unofficial religions. Because of the long struggles of the stakeholders, the community of Penghayat Kepercayaan has pleaded to the Constitutional Court (MK) for a judicial review, and it was accepted. MK has stated that discrimination between the official and the unofficial religions is a contradiction to the 1945’s Constitution. Based on the decision of MK, the State recognizes the community of Penghayat Kepercayaan, especially for all the matters related to their rights for civil administration (where now, there is a “belief” column for them, in the Family Card and electronic ID), and their rights to embrace and worship.]]>
<![CDATA[Ritual Mandi Pengantin: Kecemasan, Harapan dan Tafsir Simbolis tentang Masa Depan ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurmasitah Nurmasitah]]>;
<![CDATA[Muliono Muliono]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 3, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v3i1.148
<![CDATA[The ritual of bridal shower reflects a symbolic system and has a relation to the being, the sacred and the profane. Phenomenologically, this study is intended to discuss the ritual of bridal bathing. The approach used to reveal the ritual’s meaning is the interpretation of symbolic. This study used a qualitative. The social setting of this research was carried out in community of Banjar, in the Tambilahan, Indragiri Hilir. Data were collected through interviews, observation and documentation. This study shows that the bridal bath ritual has three fundamental aspects in which the ritual is practiced by Banjar community. First, as a culture heritization of the ancestors. Second, as a diealectic of feelings: fear and hope in the life of the bride family. Third, as a symbolic reflection of the sacred values. The bridal bath ritual on the sequel becomes a path for the brides and their families to spared the disturbance of the being or evil orchestra, repudiating the fear, the anxiety, and as a path of household resilience in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[Hate Speech, Agama, dan Kontestasi Politik di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Winda Wana Utami]]>;
<![CDATA[Darmaiza Darmaiza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 2, No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v2i2.108
<![CDATA[The aim of this study is to explain the types of hate speech on Facebook and Instagram related to the political contestation of Joko Widodo as President in 2014, presidential candidate in 2019, and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Governor of DKI Jakarta in 2017. This research uses a content analysis approach. The result of study found several types that can be categorized as hatespeech, namely in the form of satire/sarcasm, hoaxs, cursing, distortion, insults, and negative criticism. The orientation that used in political moments is related to religion with regard to religious ideology. The term religion is used as a ripertoir for mobilizing, and the issue of ethnic, religion, race and groups (SARA) is used as a means of emphasizing political opponents. This study concludes that the current trend of political contestation is intertwined with the increasing politics of identity, religion and hatespeech as a form of democracy without morals. ]]>
<![CDATA[Politisasi Agama dan Politik Kebencian pada Pemilu Presiden Indonesia 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Riki Ronaldo]]>;
<![CDATA[Darmaiza Darmaiza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Religion and Society Vol 3, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Center for Religion and Society Studies (InTReSt) ]]>
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DOI: 10.36256/ijrs.v3i1.150
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe the politicization of religious symbols in online media in the decide of presidential and vice presidential candidates in Indonesian election 2019. This study is a descriptive qualitative research with data collection through study document to online media news. This study found that there are two religious symbols that are massively used in determining the presidential and vice presidential candidates for the 2019 election, namely Muslim identity and religious identity. The contested 2019 presidential and vice presidential candidates are the result of the tug-of-war between religious symbols used in the early stages of the 2019 presidential election. At this stage, Muslim identity becomes an offer that is transacted in the determination of the presidential and vice presidential candidates. Likewise with ulama and a number of religious organizations. A series of religious ceremonies such as ijtihad and ijtima is also used as a legitimating medium to raise contestants for the 2019 Presidential Election. Interestingly, the results of ijtihad and ijtima are not static and standard, but dynamic and can change according to the political situation that occurs. This in turn has led to the strengthening of hate politics.]]>
