cover
Contact Name
Adiasri Putri Purbantina
Contact Email
jurnal.wimaya@upnjatim.ac.id
Phone
-
Journal Mail Official
jurnal.wimaya@upnjatim.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Rungkut Madya No.1, Gn. Anyar, Kec. Gn. Anyar, Surabaya, Jawa Timur 60294 Indonesia
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Kota surabaya,
Jawa timur
INDONESIA
WIMAYA: Interdisciplinary Journal of International Affairs
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27223760     DOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v1i02
WIMAYA is an international scholarly journal devoted to international affairs. Published twice a year by the International Relations Department, Pembangunan Nasional Veteran East Java University, the journal aims to promote the importance of interdisciplinary approach to analyze various international issues. The journal welcomes empirical and theoretical research articles that seek to cut across disciplines in order to capture the complexity of a phenomenon. Regardless the topic or methodology, the primary focus must be international affairs. We particularly encourage research articles that tackles global-local dynamics. The editors also welcome discursive book reviews that contribute to the literature.
Articles 7 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol 1 No 01 (2020)" : 7 Documents clear
Indonesian Millennials Inside the Vortex of Identity Politics Eryan Ramadhani
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.10

Abstract

Indonesia has long historical relations with China. The Chinese—mostly merchants— arrived much earlier than the Dutch, although no written records are available as to the exact date of their arrival. After Indonesia proclaimed independence in 1945, the Chinese found themselves in a precarious position. The anti-China narrative was played up to bolster the impression that the pribumi was somewhat threatened. This article centers on the use of anti-China narrative in election campaigns, surveys on millennial voting behavior and political preferences. It aims to provide descriptive explanation of how Indonesian millennials are contextualized within domestic political constellation, focusing on the use of identity politics in election campaigns.
Unionist vs. Nationalist: Potential Re- emergence of Identity Crisis in Post-Brexit Northern Ireland Andy Fernanda Probotrianto
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.11

Abstract

As the world begin to enter another decade of the third millennia, Europe has been struck with various challenges that greatly affects its surrounding geopolitics that, depend on the path further taken, would decide its future: whether maintaining solidarity and regional ‘fraternity’, typically in context of European Union (EU), or towards complete jeopardy and dissolution of the long-lasting union that has been tighten since the end of the Second World War. However, preference of member-states is beginning to drift away to the latter as crisis and problems continue to spring, both internally, such as cases with Greek’s monetary inflation, and externally, concerning massive influx of refugees coming from the Middle East and Africa. As suggested by constructivism, the key of successful resolution depends on the intensity of diplomatic communication. By doing so, both countries should have deep understanding of each other’s perspective. In addition, views and interest of Unionist and Nationalist side should be taken into account for in mitigating possible rise of new conflict.
Break the Limits: INGOs Limitation and Learning from Amnesty International Vinesha Anindita
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.12

Abstract

Civil society as the beginning of the notions of INGOs gives a holistic view to analyze the problem and the limit of International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) itself. Critics that arises regarding the limit of INGOs is the lack of independence of INGOs that is questionable about the possibility of the dependence of funds even from individual actor to government fund. It can reduce the roles and the functions of INGOs to act objectively. Another critic for INGOs is a complex matter for international organizations in general about the lack of accountability. So many questions about how do INGOs can be more accountable or whom INGOs should be accountable. This paper argues that accountability should not just for the donors or the government but also stakeholder/grassroots. But, the limit of INGOs can be answered by Amnesty International which is a contradiction example of international organizations that is not affected by the limit of INGO.
ASEAN and Transnational Crime: Gains and Challenges in Tackling Drug Trafficking Shen Yang Mok
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.13

Abstract

This essay discusses the drug problem in ASEAN, how the drug problem in the region has been securitized, and the challenges faced by ASEAN in implementing effective solutions. ASEAN is home to the Golden Triangle, an area that is located where the borders of eastern Myanmar, north-western Lao PDR and northern Thailand converge along the Mekong River and infamously known as one of the world’s leading regions for narcotics production. To understand the drug problem in ASEAN, one has to approach it from various perspectives that look beyond just the criminality of drug trafficking and the production and consumption of illicit drugs. This article will therefore argue that despite the constant reiteration of the need to tackle the issue of drug trafficking, the ASEAN mechanism has not been able to effectively address the multifaceted nature of illicit drugs in the region due to limitations posed by the “ASEAN Way”.
China Goes Global: The Partial Power. New York: Oxford University Press. David Shambaugh. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013, xvi + 409 xvi + 409 pp. ISBN 978-0-19-986014-2 Attawat Assavanadda
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.15

Abstract

(Re)Negotiating Southeast Asia and Northteast Asia. Region, Regionalism, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Alice D.Ba. Singapore: NUS Press, 2009, xiv + 325 pp. ISBN-13: 978-9971-69-491-3 (pbk.) Sarah Anabarja
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.16

Abstract

Multilateral Diplomacy as China’s Expansionism in ACFTA Maria Indira Aryani; Rista Vauza Wardania; Widji Anugrah Sari
WIMAYA Vol 1 No 01 (2020)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v1i01.17

Abstract

ACFTA or ASEAN-China Free Trade Area, also known as China-ASEAN Free Trade Area is an economic agreement to construct a free trade zone between 10 ASEAN member countries and China to eliminate various tariff and non-tariff barriers. All of ASEAN members’ leaders and China’s leader signed the ACFTA on November 5, 2002 in Phnom Penh, Cambodia which latter came into effect on January 1, 2010. Since then, it was recorded in 2016 that the total trade between ASEAN and China has reached to US$ 475 billion, thus making China as ASEAN’s largest trading partner while ASEAN serves as China’s third largest trading partner. This means that China’s export to ASEAN is more than ASEAN’s export to China. It could be seen that the free trade area has benefitted China more than it has benefit ASEAN. This paper aims to provide brief explanation on how China is able to benefit more on the trade agreement. Using a descriptive method of analysis, combined with expansionism and multilateral diplomacy concepts, it can be found that China is able to utilize various means to maximize its benefit in the ACFTA scope of agreement. Through the ACFTA, China has managed to master trade routes, break trade barriers, invest more, deepen economic cooperation contracts and master production skills in manufacturing all across ASEAN member countries. All of these efforts are made possible by China’s favourable multilateral diplomacy instruments in the ACFTA.

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