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Tashwirul Afkar
Published by Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia, Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama
ISSN : 14109166     EISSN : 26557401     DOI : https://doi.org/10.51716/
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Tashwirul Afkar adalah jurnal pemikiran keagamaan dan kebudayaan yang mempublikasikan hasil riset di kalangan sarjana dan intelektual untuk kemajuan peradaban dunia. Jurnal ini diterbitkan dua kali setahun dalam bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Kajian Budaya
Articles 36 Documents
 1   2   3   4 
Islam dan Pancasila Pasca Reformasi: Pandangan Kritis Nahdlatul Ulama Syaiful Arif
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 39 No. 2 (2020): December 2020
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.51716/ta.v38i02.30

Abstract

Abstrak Perdebatan antara Islam dan Pancasila mengemuka kembali dalam kancah perpolitikan nasional mutakhir. Artikel ini menganalisis penyebab dan aktor yang memunculkan perdebatan antara Islam dan Pancasila serta respon Nahdlatul Ulama terhadapnya. Dengan analisis kualitatif, studi ini menemukan munculnya tantangan ideologis oleh gerakan Islam trans-nasional yang membenturkan agama dan dasar negara. Pancasila dinilai sebagai ideologi yang sekular karena tidak berasal dari wahyu, sedangkan Islam jelas bersumber dari wahyu. Maka berbagai gerakan seperti Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Ikhwanul Muslimin hingga Wahabisme menyebarkan propaganda agar umat Muslim menolak Pancasila dan mengidealkan Islam sebagai dasar negara. Perdebatan ini telah jauh hari dijawab oleh Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Melalui Munas Alim Ulama NU tahun 1983, NU menegaskan keselarasan Islam dan Pancasila. Sila Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa dimaknai sebagai cerminan dari tauhid, sehingga meskipun dasar negara ini bukan agama. Tetapi ia merupakan cerminan dari nilai-nilai fundamental agama. Di tengah tantangan ideologis dari trans-nasionalisme Islam ini, pemikiran NU tentang Pancasila menjadi sangat relevan untuk dipahami dan disosialisasikan.   Abstract The debate between Islam and Pancasila has always resurfaced in the recent national politics.  The article analyses the factors and actors that emerge in this debate and how Nahdlatul Ulama responds to it. By qualitative research, this study found the emergence of ideological threats by transnational Islamic movements which trigger a clash between religion and the foundation of the state. Pancasila is considered as a secular ideology because it does not come from the revelation. In fact, Islam clearly comes from a revelation.  Some various movements such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Ikhwanul Muslimin to Wahabism have actively disseminated their propaganda to reject Pancasila and idealize Islam as the basis of the state. This debate has long been answered by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Through the NU National Conference of Ulama in 1983 , it emphasized the harmony of Islam and Pancasila. The first principle of Pancasila, Belief in the Almighty God, is interpreted as a reflection of tauhid, even though the basis of this country is not religion.  But it is a reflection of the fundamental values ​​of religions.  In the midst of the ideological challenges of Islamic trans-nationalism, NU's thoughts on Pancasila are very relevant to be understood and socialized.
Politik Negara atas Agama: Akar Diskriminasi Terlembaga terhadap Kelompok Minoritas di Indonesia Subhi Azhari
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 39 No. 2 (2020): December 2020
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.51716/ta.v38i02.31

Abstract

Abstrak Diskriminasi adalah fakta yang masih menjadi permasalahan serius di Indonesia. Baik pada ranah politik, hukum maupun sosial. Diskriminasi masih terus terjadi meskipun berbagai upaya telah dilakukan untuk mengatasinya mulai dari penguatan perangkat hukum, advokasi hingga pendidikan di masyarakat. Hal ini melahirkan dugaan kuat bahwa diskriminasi sulit hilang karena telah mengakar dalam sistem dan budaya hukum kita. Dengan pendekatan sejarah dan hukum, kajian ini memaparkan berbagai produk hukum mulai dari konstitusi negara, Undang-undang hingga peraturan-peraturan hukum yang paling rendah, menyangkut kehidupan beragama sejak masa Hindia Belanda, proklamasi kemerdekaan hingga era reformasi sekarang ini. Berbagai produk hukum tersebut akan dipaparkan secara kronologis untuk mencari keterkaitan satu sama lain sehingga terbangun peta pemikiran yang komprehensif mengenai kebijakan diskriminatif yang masih terjadi saat ini. Kajian ini menemukan bahwa diskriminasi ternyata memiliki latar historis, di mana munculnya berbagai kebijakan diskriminatif negara terhadap kelompok-kelompok minoritas agama di Indonesia adalah buah dari politik kolonial yang masih bertahan hingga kini. Abstract Discrimination has still become a serious problem in Indonesia. Discrimination continues to occur in some aspects such as in the political, legal and social levels despite various efforts have been made to overcome it by strengthening the legal norms, advocacy and education in the community. This problem has triggered a strong presumption that it has been entrenched in our legal system and culture. By historical and law approach, the study investiagates some regulations regarding religious life since colonial era to the recent reformation era, including Constitution, laws and policies in the lower level. Those regulations will be elaborated in chronoliga order to find out some correlations among each other, so that we have a comprehensive map of thinking about the discriminatory policies that still occurs today.  This study reveals that discrimination has a historical root to the colonial politics that remain influencial to the state policies in the present situation.
Al-Qur'an and the Unities: The Study of Ahmad Sanusi and Ahmad Hassan‘s Thoughts in Indonesia Rifa Tsamrotus Sa’adah; Rohmatul Maulidiana
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstract

Abstrak Penelitian ini membahas tentang penafsiran dua ulama yang berjasa dalam gerakan nasional Indonesia tentang persatuan dengan menggunakan ayat-ayat Al-Qur'an tentang persatuan. Ahmad Sanusi dan A.Hassan, telah banyak menarik minat masyarakat Sunda dengan penafsiran Al-Qur'an yang efektif dan juga menghormati norma dan nilai-nilai lokal. Meski dikenal sebagai tekstualis, Ahmad Sanusi menggunakan ijtihad (usahanya sendiri) untuk menafsirkan Alquran. Sementara itu, A.Hassan adalah seorang ulama produktif pemikir Islam modern di Indonesia. Dengan membandingkan pemikiran kedua ulama ini, penulis bertujuan untuk menemukan hubungan yang mendalam antara tradisi Islam klasik dan modernitas kolonial dalam konteks lokal Indonesia melalui analisis interpretasi mereka terhadap ayat-ayat tentang kesatuan dalam Al-Qur'an. Dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif-analitis, makalah ini mengeksplorasi perbedaan dan persamaan pandangan yang dikemukakan oleh dua ulama idealis ini dan mengaitkan pandangan mereka dengan perdebatan yang ada tentang kesatuan dalam literatur Islam yang ada. Untuk itu, tulisan ini membandingkan ajaran antara kedua ulama ini dengan menjawab dua pertanyaan berikut: (1) bagaimana pandangan teologis mereka berkontribusi pada hasil interpretasi mereka? dan (2) seberapa kuat pemahaman mereka tentang wacana persatuan di Indonesia? Makalah ini menemukan argumen kunci yang digunakan Ahmad Hassan tentang kesatuan dalam Islam. Ia berpendapat bahwa Islam memiliki rasa persatuan yang kuat dan menuntut umat Islam untuk memperjuangkan persatuan dengan baik. Demikian pula Ahmad Sanusi percaya bahwa dengan semangat ayat-ayat Al-Qur'an tentang persatuan, umat Islam harus mampu membangun persatuan dalam Islam dan Ijtihadi.   Abstract This study discusses the interpretation of two ulama who contributed to the Indonesian national movement on unity by using the           Quran verses on unities.  Ahmad Sanusi and A.Hassan, have widely attracted the Sundanese people with their effective interpretation of the Quran that also respects local norms and values. Despite known to be a textualist, Ahmad Sanusi employed ijtihad (his own efforts) to interpret the Quran. Meanwhile, A.Hassan is a prolific scholar modern Islamic thinker in Indonesia. By comparing thought of these two scholars, the writer aims to discover deep connection between classical Islamic tradition and colonial modernity in Indonesian local contexts through analyzing their interpretation to verses on unities in the Quran. By using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper therefore explores differences and similarities of views raised by these two idealistic scholars and linking their views with the existing debates on the unities in the existing Islamic literatures. For this purpose, this paper compares the taught between these two scholars by answering these two questions: (1) how their theological views contributed to their interpretation results? and (2) how strong are their understanding on unities discourse in Indonesia? This paper found key arguments that Ahmad Hassan uses on the unities in Islam. He argued that Islam has strong sense of unity and demands muslim  to fight for unity well.  Similarly, Ahmad Sanusi believes that with spirit of Quranic verses on unities, muslim must be able to establish unities within Islam and Ijtihadi.
Sharia Housing: Religious Commodification and the Urban Muslims’ Politics of Space Fawaizul Umam
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstract

Abtsrak Perumahan syariah terus bermunculan di berbagai daerah dan semakin diminati terutama oleh kaum muslim urban. Berkat strategi komodifikasi agama yang dijalankan para pengembang, perumahan berlabel syariah itu pelan-pelan menjadi icon bisnis baru di sektor properti. Kehadirannya menjadi penanda simbolik revivalitas konservatisme religius di kalangan muslim urban sekaligus alarm peringatan dini tentang terus menguatnya spirit ideolog islamis di tengah mereka. Yang merisaukan darinya bukanlah skema kepemilikan yang diklaim bebas riba, tetapi tendensi eksklusif yang menjadi basis produksi ruang publik di dalamnya. Gegara tendensi tersebut, ruang sosial perumahan syariah praktis menampilkan segregasi, bahkan hingga tingkat tertentu sering memainkan fungsi demarkasi sosial. Kondisi ini tentu potensial menyuburkan intoleransi sekaligus mengancam koeksistensi sosial antarpenghuni atau antara penghuni dan warga sekitar perumahan. Sementara, pada saat yang sama, hal itu juga dimanfaatkan kaum muslim urban yang berideologi islamis untuk menjalankan agenda politik ruang, yakni menginstitusionalisasi spirit Islamisme di ruang publik perumahan melalui institusi keluarga. Inilah efek samping komodifikasi agama dari bisnis perumahan syariah. Artinya, ini bukan semata persoalan etika bisnis yang mendesakralisasi agama sebatas komoditas, tapi juga masalah politik ruang yang memfasilitasi Islamisme untuk mendelegitimasi eksistensi Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI). Abstract The demand of Sharia housing intensely emerge in various cities with urban moslem population. The Sharia-labeled housing has gradually become a new business icon in the property sector due to the religious commodification strategy by developers. Its presence is a symbolic sign of the revival of religious conservatism. This leads to the potential problem of exclusivism in residential life style, as Sharia housing often seems implementing segregation in social spaces. This potentially create intolerances and threaten social coexistence among Sharia housings residents and/or between the residents and surrounding communities. Meanwhile, the urban Islamists have shown an agenda of the politics of space, namely institutionalizing the Islamism spirit in the public sphere of Sharia housing through family institutions. This paper argues that these potential problems are is a side effects of the religious commodification in the Sharia housing business. This is not just a matter of business ethics, but it potentially desacralizes religion so as to be a mere commodity. What is more, it can be a catalyst of the politics of space which facilitates Islamism to delegitimize the existence of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
The Transmission of Islamic Populism and Extremist Ideology Through Social Media in Indonesia Ahmad Khoiri; Faizi; Jindar Muttaqin
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji transmisi ekstremisme yang terjadi di media sosial dan menjadi musabab merebaknya populisme Islam di Indonesia. Sementara kalangan beranggapan bahwa populisme identik dengan satu organisasi, yaitu FPI, dengan mobilisasi massa simbolis semisal 212, dan setelah eksistensinya terlarang ia tidak lagi menyebar dengan perhitungan yang berarti. Tulisan ini hendak mengulas bahwa di media sosial, ternyata populisme Islam justru menguat dan transmisi ekstremisme menjadi tren kalangan populis itu sendiri. Di YouTube, kanal Khilafah Channel dan Fokus Khilafah Channel concern membuat konten provokasi masyarakat dengan pemerintah sembari menyuguhkan gagasan khilafah ala HTI. Sementara itu, web keislaman seperti suaraislam.id dan kiblat.net juga masif membingkai berita seputar Muhammad Rizieq Shihab vis-à-vis polemik pemerintah. Di Facebook, akun dan fanspage representasi Muslim populis secara terstruktur tidak ada, tetapi narasi populisme bertebaran secara personal. Polarisasi ekstremisme kemudian menjadi perkara tak terhindarkan, yang bisa dilacak melalui trending tagar harian di Twitter. Para radikalis-ekstremis bersatu, dengan musuh yang sama: pemerintah, dan narasi yang seirama: menawarkan sistem baru pemerintahan yang lebih islami, yang menyebar kemudian melalui pelbagai konten di YouTube. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis terhadap narasi-narasi di pelbagai platform tersebut. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa sekalipun hari-hari ini tidak ada lagi mobilisasi massa berjilid-jilid, populisme Islam tetap terlestarikan melalui transmisi ekstremisme di pelbagai platform media sosial. Sejumlah kebijakan membuat kaum populis, sementara, seolah terkerangkeng. Faktanya, tinggal menunggu momentum. Bahkan sekalipun organisasi formal mereka terlarang dan dibubarkan, eksistensi mereka tidak berkurang, hanya pindah tempat. Media sosial menjadi sarana paling aman bagi populisme Islam, ekstremisme dan benih-benihnya. Abstract This study aims to examine the transmission of extremism that occurs on social media and causes the spread of Islamic populism in Indonesia. Meanwhile, people think that populism is identical with one organization, namely FPI, with symbolic mass mobilization such as 212, and after its existence is forbidden it will no longer spread with meaningful calculations. This paper intends to review that on social media, it turns out that Islamic populism has actually strengthened and the transmission of extremism has become a trend among populists themselves. On YouTube, Khilafah Channel and Khilafah Focus Channel concern create content provoked by the public with the government while presenting the concept of HTI-style khilafah. Meanwhile, Islamic websites such as Suaraislam.id and kiblat.net also massively frame news about Muhammad Rizieq Shihab vis-à-vis the government's polemic. On Facebook, accounts and fanspages of populist Muslim representations are structurally not emerged, but the narrative of populism is scattered in a personal way. The polarization of extremism has become an inevitable matter, which can be traced through daily trending hashtags on Twitter. Radical-extremists cooperate, with the same enemy: government, and identical narratives: to offer a new, more Islamic government system, which is spread later through various contents on YouTube. This research is a qualitative study using descriptive analytical methods towards the narratives on the various platforms. The research results concluded that even though these days there are no longer mass mobilizations in huge numbers, Islamic populism is still preserved through the transmission of extremism on nomerous social media platforms. A number of policies make populists, meanwhile, seem locked up. In fact, it's just a matter of momentum. Even if their formal organization was banned and dissolved, their existence did not diminish, they just moved places. Social media is the safest vehicle for Islamic populism, extremism and its descent.
Kropak Ferrara: Reconsidering The 16th Century Javanese Muslim Identity Syamsul Idul Adha
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis fungsi teks Kropak Ferrara sebagai penanda konstruksi historisitas dan pembentuk sistem nilai Islam-Jawa pada abad ke-16 M. Naskah Kropak Ferrara yang dikaji adalah Naskah MS Cod. Or. 10.811 yang dipublikasikan oleh G.W.J. Drewes. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisis Semiotik dan Analisis Semantik Linguistik untuk menganalisis hubungan antara teks penanda dan realitas historis Islam-Jawa. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penggunaan sistem aksara dan bahasa Jawa dalam teks penanda sebagai suatu proses peralihan latar belakang kultur Jawa dari periode Hindu-Buddha menuju sistem tatanan masyarakat Islami yang dikembangkan melalui keberagaman identitas kultur Muslim di Pantai Utara Jawa. Teks Penanda juga menunjukkan bahwa adanya ancaman kewujudan identitas Islam-Jawa melalui perkembangan doktrin Monisme yang merupakan bagian dari unsur-unsur Tantra dan ditanggapi oleh Kropak Ferrara melalui pembentukan sistem keyakinan yang didasarkan pada ajaran-ajaran Islam Sunni. Sistem nilai yang dikonstruksikan oleh Kropak Ferrara yang didaptasi dari Bidāyah al-Hidāyah untuk mendukung ortodoksi merupakan suatu antitesis melalui otoritas Giri Kedaton sebagai otoritas tertinggi Islam-Jawa. Kropak Ferrara bukan hanya sumber sejarah dan kultur Muslim Jawa, tetapi juga sebuah teks yang mengkonstruksikan identitas dan kultur masyarakat Islam Jawa yang terpisah dari identitas Jawa pra-Islam. Abstract This article aims to analyze the function of the Kropak Ferrara, the oldest Javano-Islamic manuscript, as an essential lens to examine the 16th century formation of Javanese Islamic system. Based on G.W.J. Drewes’s close examination to the manuscript of Kropak Ferrara (MS Cod. Or. 10.811), the article deploys both Semiotic Analysis and Linguistic Semantic Analysis in order to analyze the relationship between the signifier text and the historical reality of Islam in ancient Javanese. It further argues that the use of the Javanese script and language system, hereby spelled as the signifier text, is a conversion of Javanese cultural settings from the Hindu-Buddhist period to the order of Islamic community that developed along with diverse cultural Muslim identities on the North Coast of Java. The signifier text also informs us the tension between the earliest Javanese Islamic identity through the development of Monism doctrine which is essential part of Tantrā doctrine and Kropak Ferrara which dictates the provisions of Sunni Islam. The fundamental Islamic belief with which Kropak Ferrara dictates is indeed an adaptation of the classical theological book Bidāyah al-Hidāyah which encourages Islamic orthodoxy as an antithesis to Monism. It culminated to Giri Kedaton’s authority which resorted as the highest religious authority of Islam in Java. Not only does Kropak Ferrara serve as a historical source important to understand cultural aspect of the earliest Muslim community in Java, but also resorts as a the fundamental textual tradition which is essentilal in imposing the identity and culture of the earliest Javanese Muslim community and at the same time to distance the community from pre-Islamic identity.
Defending the Weak: Exploring Liberation Theology from Theologians and Thinkers in Indonesia Muhammad Ahalla Tsauro
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstrak Paper ini mencoba menelusuri para teolog pembebasan di Indonesia yang telah terlibat dalam memperjuangkan hak-hak masyarakat yang tertindas demi kemanusiaan dan keadilan. Dalam memahami topik ini, gambaran besar teologi pembebasan dari sisi historis perlu digali untuk memetakan dan menjelaskan orientasi keagamaan dan peran nilai-nilai agama seperti apa yang mendasari dana melatar belakangi pemikiran dan gerakan mereka dalam menyikapi dan menghadapi permasalahan sosial. Gerakan yang dipelopori oleh para teolog dan para pemikir teolog tersebut memiliki keterkaitan dengan dengan apa yang dilakukan oleh para teolog pembebasan baik itu di kawasan Amerika Latin maupun di Asia. Semangat pembebasan yang diusung oleh figur terkemuka seperti Gustavo Guiterrez, Ali Shariati, Ashgar Ali maupun Hassan Hanafi membawa warna tersendiri bagi dalam mengeksplorasi teolog lokal. Dalam paper ini, penulis mencoba mengungkap empat tokoh teologi pembebasan maupun pemikir Indonesia; Abdurrahman Wahid, Francis Wahono, Mansour Fakih dan Moeslim Abdurrahman. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi pengetahuan milik Karl Manheim, paper ini mencoba mengungkapkan hal-hal berikut; 1) tokoh-tokoh yang dikaji dalam paper ini memiliki peran penting dalam membentuk dan menandai pentingnya orientasi keagamaan dalam menyikapi isu-isu sosial terkait dengan masyarakat yang tertindas dan termarginalisasikan, 2) dalam upaya mendekolonisasi ilmu pengetahuan, para pemikir ini membawa arah pendidikan transformatif dan kritis yang dapat membebaskan orang dari keterbelakangan dan ketergantungan. Kajian ini menyimpulkan, pelibatan figur-figur diatas memiliki peran yang signifikan untuk merumuskan pola pikir alternatif yang dapat merespon upaya ketidakadilan dan membebaskan masyarakat yang terpinggirkan. Abstract This paper tying to explore the liberation theologians in Indonesia that have involved in various occasion, fighting for the oppressed and uphold their voices and rights for the sake of justice. In understanding this topic, the big picture of historical liberation theology is needed to explain the role of religious orientation and religious values that derived from their thoughts related to exact practices in dealing with social problems. Such movements were similar or can be referred to movements in Latin America or Asia that inspired directly or indirectly, such as Gustavo Gutierrez, Ali Shariati, Asghar Ali, and Hassan Hanafi that might be a proper cornerstone on exploring local theologians. Although there have been numerous Indonesian theologians, only four among prominent figures will be discussed; Abdurrahman Wahid, Francis Wahono, Mansour Fakih and Moeslim Abdurrahman. Using Karl Manheim’s Sociology of Knowledge, this paper found among other things; These religious-liberative figures has been crucial in shaping and marking the important of religious orientation in fighting social issues including those who oppressed and marginalized within society. In term of decolonizing knowledge, critical education has been proposed by theologians to liberate people from the captive way of thinking such backwardness and ignorance. The study concludes, these figures engagement has significant role to formulate an alternative mode of thinking that can liberate marginalized people and counter injustices.  
Power and Agency: The Role of Bu Nyai (Female Ulama) in Dealing with Disposable Sanitary Napkins Problem in Pesantren (Case Study Of Pondok Pesantren Annuqayah Sumenep Madura) Zaimmatus Sadiyah; Ahmad Afnan Anshori
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 1 (2021): June 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstrak Salah satu masalah lingkungan yang dihadapi pondok pesantren adalah limbah pembalut sekali pakai yang mengandung plastik dan dioksin yang berdampak pada kesehatan reproduksi dan lingkungan. Ketimpangan relasi kuasa antara laki-laki dan perempuan serta iklan media membuat banyak perempuan tidak mengetahui fakta ilmiah dan efek samping pembalut sekali pakai. Merespon hal ini, aktivisme menolak produk pembalut sekali pakai muncul untuk mendukung perempuan dalam mengontrol tubuhnya. Dengan menggunakan Analisis Wacana Kritis yang dikembangkan oleh Norman Fairclough, penelitian ini mencoba (1) mengungkap agensi tokoh perempuan di Pesantren Annuqayah dalam menangani masalah pembalut sekali pakai dan (2) mengartikulasikan agensi dan aktivisme mereka dari sudut pandang ekofeminisme. Penelitian ini menemukan, pertama, bahwa dengan melarang penggunaan pembalut sekali pakai dan mengeluarkan fatwa ‘haram’ atasnya, para tokoh perempuan di pesantren ini bernegosiasi untuk mereproduksi relasi kekuasaan dan dominasi baru antara (a) industri sanitasi dan propaganda media yang mengutamakan kepentingan kapitalis dan mengabaikan dampak jangka panjang penggunaan pembalut sekali pakai terhadap kesehatan reproduksi dan kelestarian lingkungan serta (b) tradisi patriarki di pesantren yang mensubordinasi suara perempuan. Kedua, dengan menegaskan bahwa perempuan memiliki kendali atas tubuh dan kelestarian lingkungan mereka, tokoh perempuan di Pesantren Annuqayah ini menguatkan etika ekofeminis yang menggarisbawahi keterkaitan antara isu lingkungan dan perempuan.     Abstract One of the environmental problems faced by pondok pesantren is the health and the environment problem arising from the plastics and dioxins waste from disposable sanitary napkins (DSN). This problem is mainly rooted from the woman’s low awareness of the scientific facts and side effects of DSN waste. This condition is indicated from the imbalance in power relations between men and women and media advertisement. Considering this cause, a number of menstrual product activisms emerge to support women in controlling their bodies. By utilising the Critical Discourse Analysis improved by Norman Fairclough (1992), this research observes two areas: (1) to unfold the agency of female figures in Pesantren Annuqayah in dealing with DSN issues and (2) to articulate their agency and activism from the point of view of ecofeminism. This research finds, first, that by banning DSN and issuing fatwa against DSN, the female figures in this pesantren negotiated to reproduce a new relation of power and domination between (a) sanitary industries and propagandas of media that prioritize capitalists’ interests and ignore long term reproductive health and environmental sustainability and (b) the patriarchal tradition in pesantren that subordinated women voices. Second, by insisting that women have control over their bodies and environmental sustainability, these women’s agency conforms to ecofeminist ethics that assert the interconnectedness between environmental and women’s issues.
The Unregulated Domain: The Absence of Islam in the 1681 Alliance Treaty between Cirebon and the Dutch East India Company Satrio Dwicahyo
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 2 (2021): December 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstract

Islam has always been the fulcrum of Cirebon courts. The centrality of Islam in the courts’ politics and culture is apparent today as it was in the seventeenth century. The last three decades of the seventeenth century were crucial for Cirebon since the formerly unitary sultanate of Cirebon (or Pakungwati) experienced a trifurcation. Subsequently, the new Cirebon rulers consisted of two sultans and one lord (panembahan) made a breakthrough by signing an alliance treaty with the Dutch East India Company (or VOC). Both parties signed the first treaty in 1681, which consensually confined the three rulers from exercising “real” powers. Although Islam is the core of Cirebon’s power, it was missing from both the negotiation and the final draft of the 1681 treaty. The present study, therefore, will unravel the arguments behind the “absence” of clauses that regulate Cirebon rulers’ religious exercise from the treaty that aims to limit their power. In so doing, this study accesses the combination of Dutch primary sources (VOC documents) with Cirebon local sources (Babad, Naskah, among others). Preliminary findings of the present study indicate that Cirebon and VOC shared different notions of power. Although VOC recognizes Cirebon’s priesthood, the company showed no interest in regulating the aspect that did not significantly influence them.
Arus Balik Pesantren: Reharmoni Pesantren dan Kebudayaan Jawa Rofiq Hamzah
Tashwirul Afkar Vol. 40 No. 2 (2021): December 2021
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia

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Abstract

At the early development of pesantren, the Islamic’s pattern were presented according to the Islamic pattern was developing at that time which was integrated with Javanese culture. Santri wear traditional Javanese clothes; learn Islamic text which is written in Javanese script and language in primbon, suluk and wirid formats. Suluk is the teaching of Sufism which is packaged in verses of the Macapat song, so santri get used to learning through Javanese songs. The intimacy between pesantren and Javanese culture was broken after post-Dipanegara’s War polarization, which divided the religious patterns of Javanese society into three groups: priyayi, putihan and abangan. The three of them were pushed to show their different identities and cultural expressions. In this context, pesantren is getting close to the Arabic culture. Meanwhile, Javanese culture is identified with priyayi and abangan. The peak of this polarization was when Javanese culture was taken over by abangan groups affiliated with the PKI for propaganda purposes. As a result, pesantren moved away from Javanese culture. Positive changes happened when Islam Nusantara became the PBNU’s platform and the strengthening of religious moderation by the Ministry of Religion, where appreciation for local culture was an important part. Slowly pesantren began to open up to Javanese culture. The appearance of several pesantren’s kiai in Javanese clothing, the emergence of Javanese-Islamic manuscript studies and the systematic efforts made by some of pesantrens to rebuild closeness to Javanese art, including those carried out by the Pesantren API Tegalrejo, Magelang and Pesantren Kaliopak, Bantul, indicate reharmony between pesantren and Javanese culture. This paper aims to capture the dynamics of pesantren and Javanese culture relations from its beginning to its current condition.  

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