Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies
Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) is published by the Department of International Relations, University of Mataram. IJPSS is a portal to publish academic research and as a means of updating the development of Peace and Security Studies. This journal contains scientific articles that have never been previously published, either as a research result, applied research or scientific articles relating to International Security (both traditional and non-traditional issues) Studies, Peace and Conflict Resolution, Strategic Studies, War Studies, Terrorism Studies, Development, and Security Nexus and Regional Security. Information about writing guidelines and electronic upload procedures are available in the menu of publication guideline. All articles are included through a peer-review process. Issuance of the journal is twice a year, every June and December without processing fees.
Articles
62 Documents
<![CDATA[Understanding US “Re-pivot†to Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[Sigit, Muhammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol 2 No 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.47
<![CDATA[This paper explains the nature and the context of the future of US foreign policy to the Asia or so-called US re-pivot policy to Asia. By using the historical method, this paper tries to make sense of US continuous engagement in Asia, past and present; with a hope to illuminate even quite distant futures of US foreign policy direction. The 2020 US presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Joe Biden have signaled their strong intention of US re-pivot to Asia. However, the new re-pivot to Asia should be different from Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’. Re-pivot should bring practical economic, strategic, and political benefits to Asian countries, rather than simply containing China.]]>
<![CDATA[Budaya Machismo dan Kekerasan Gender (Femicide) di El SalvadorBudaya Machismo dan Kekerasan Gender (Femicide) di El Salvador ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyuddin, Y. A.]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol 2 No 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.50
<![CDATA[Kekerasan terhadap perempuan di El Salvador –sebagai negara dengan julukan the land of gangster memiliki eskalasi yang signifikan dengan puncaknya ialah femicide. Fenomena ini menandakan bahwa relasi kuasa yang tidak setara antara laki-laki dan perempuan semakin menguatkan budaya machismo dalam struktur masyarakat patriarkis di El Salvador, sehingga “budaya kekerasan†dan “budaya diam†dapat diterima secara masif. Budaya kekerasan terhadap perempuan ini tidak muncul tanpa sebab melainkan memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang dan terstruktur. Budaya maskulinitas yang sangat melekat dalam kehidupan masyarakat di El Salvador dan terwujud dalam budaya machismo mempertegas bagaimana dominasi yang dimiliki oleh kaum pria terhadap kaum perempuan. Perempuan seperti dianggap sebagai hak milik dan pemilik bebas untuk memperlakukan miliknya sesuai dengan kehendaknya termasuk yang berwujud kekerasan. Selain budaya patriarki yang sangat melekat tersebut, sejarah perang saudara yang panjang turut mempengaruhi tindakan kekerasan dalam kehidupan masyarakat di El Salvador dan terutama yang menjadi korban adalah perempuan dan anak perempuan. Kekerasan yang terjadi tidak hanya pada sektor domestik tetapi juga dalam sektor publik sehingga hal ini menempatkan perempuan pada posisi yang penuh dengan diskriminasi. Kekerasan yang terjadi justru dilakukan oleh orang-orang terdekat seperti suami, mantan suami, maupun pacar sehingga mengakibatkan ketidakamanan bagi perempuan.]]>
<![CDATA[Revealing Indonesia's Reluctance to Participate in the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismail, Achmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol 3 No 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.55
<![CDATA[The Vision of President Jokowi to create Indonesia as a world maritime axis meets a variety of challenges. Piracy and armed robbery are the real threat faced by each state, in particular, Indonesia as a maritime (archipelagic) state. The escalation more is realized in real life. For facing the challenges, states in Asia create The Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP). Unfortunately, Indonesia is not joining the regional cooperation that makes this phenomenon is very interesting to investigate. Therefore, this article argues that Indonesia's foreign policy did not ratify ReCAAP's regional cooperation was identified from various factors including systemic sources, societal sources, governmental sources & idiosyncratic sources. This article uses a qualitative research method with a case study approach. Data collection techniques in this article use a literature study where is sourced from several kinds of literature. This article concludes that the four factors above that influenced Indonesian policy did not ratify the ReCAAP regional cooperation.]]>
<![CDATA[Implikasi Konflik Kudeta Militer Myanmar terhadap Sanksi Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[riady, riady]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol 3 No 1 (2021): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v3i1.77
<![CDATA[Kudeta militer yang terjadi di Myanmar memberikan dampak terhadap kerusakan stabilitas keamanan di negara tersebut melalui langkah penggulingan pemerintah sipil resmi yang dipimpin oleh Aung San Suu Kyi. Keberlanjutan konflik Myanmar tersebut mengakibatkan Myanmar mendapatkan sorotan dunia internasional. Berbagai negara bereaksi terhadap aksi kudeta yang terjadi dengan mengeluarkan beberapa kebijakan terhadap Myanmar dengan harapan pemerintahan yang terpilih secara demokratis dapat kembali berkuasa. Adapun kebijakan yang dikeluarkan sebagai bentuk pemberian sanksi internasional atas kudeta yang dilakukan oleh pihak militer Myanmar, seperti: 1) Amerika Serikat dengan kebijakan penghentian berbagai perdagangan dengan Myanmar berdasarkan kesepakatan perdagangan dan investasi Tahun 2013; 2) pemberian sanksi oleh Uni Eropa terhadap Myanmar melalui pembekuan aset dan pelarangan bisnis bagi dua perusahaan yakni Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) dan Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (MEHL) yang mendominasi sektor termasuk perdagangan; 3) penerbitan sanksi oleh Inggris juga melalui pembekuan aset dan pembatasan pengiriman bantuan; serta 4) beberapa sanksi yang dijatuhkan oleh beberapa negara lainnya seperti Kanada, Australia, dan Selandia Baru terhadap Myanmar]]>
<![CDATA[SEKURITISASI ISU MIGRASI DI POLANDIA : KEAMANAN NASIONAL ATAU SOLIDARITAS REGIONAL? ]]>
<![CDATA[Mega Nisfa Makhroja]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.33
<![CDATA[Abstract This paper analyzes the policy of the Polish government in responding to the migration crisis in Europe. The Polish government decided not to accommodate more refugees from Africa and the Middle East for reasons of national security. The homogeneous character of society will be disturbed by massive waves of migration. On the other hand, as a member of the European Union, Poland has an obligation to follow the scheme of the distribution of refugee quota to his country. Using the securitization analysis of non-traditional security issues, this research will describe the securitization process that starts with securitizing actors, speech acts, existential threats, referent objects, audiences, and functional actors. The securitization process is carried out by constructing an issue that was not originally a security issue to a security issue. The findings of this study indicate that the Polish government's policy of rejecting refugees is a form of securitization of the issue of migration as a threat to its national security.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN Way in Korean Peninsula Peacebuilding ]]>
<![CDATA[Idham Badruzaman]]>;
<![CDATA[Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.34
<![CDATA[As stated by Johan Galtung, one fundamental principle in establishing peace is to involve the conflicting parties into a constructive dialogue. By this principle, ASEAN avoids isolative approach by welcoming Pyongyang in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 2000 and cultivating a trustworthy relationship afterwards. Driven by ASEAN Fundamental Principle in The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) 1976, ARF appeared to be effective to maintain North Korea in negotiating table, as it also remains to be the only multilateral framework North Korea is in. This ASEAN soft diplomacy in peacebuilding also gains the positive support by Seoul as the engagement with ASEAN through its new southern policy intensifies. With ASEAN contribution as neighboring regional organization, many progresses of peacebuilding, such as Panmunjom Agreement, could be achieved. This paper analyses the role of ASEAN through its way of peacebuilding and soft diplomacy in mediating two Koreas and to help in maintaining peace in the region. This paper argues that ASEAN’s impartiality and traditional friendship among ASEAN members and two Koreas are the keys of ASEAN role in this regard.]]>
<![CDATA[Reconciliation and Peace Opportunity: A Peace Psychology Analysis on Venezuela Crisis ]]>
<![CDATA[Umar Mubdi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i2.35
<![CDATA[The Venezuela crisis is an intersection between political turmoil, economic crisis, mismanagement of natural resources, poverty, and health issues. The root causes of the crisis can be examined by using a peace psychology analysis, chiefly the concept of moral disengagement. This perspective is useful for looking at the Venezuelan crisis in a different approach and, at the same time, addressing peace efforts. One of the things that need to be pursued by domestic actors and humanitarian intervention is reconciliation. This reconciliation must meet the pre-conditions for the dialogue and peace agenda.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi Konsep Halal Tourism Dan Konvensional Thailand Dalam Meningkatkan Foreign Direct Investment di Nusa Tenggara Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Lalu Puttrawandi Karjaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.37
<![CDATA[Kementerian Pariwisata Republik Indonesia, sejak 2015 lalu telah menunjuk tiga provinsi di Indonesia sebagai destinasi wisata halal. Salah satunya adalah Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB), yang mana NTB dipandang memiliki potensi besar untuk mengembangkan wisata halal di Indonesia. Terdapat tiga alasan provinsi NTB dianggap memiliki porensi besar dalam pengembangan wisata halal. Pertama, panorama destinasi pariwisata NTB tidak kalah dengan yang dimiliki oleh Provinsi Bali. Kedua, mayoritas masyarakat NTB adalah beragama muslim. Ketiga, terdapat kultur dan tradisi keagamaan yang unik yang dimiliki oleh NTB. Namun keadaan pariwisata yang cenderung bersifat konvensional sejak dahulu, tidak dapat dengan mudah dihilangkan atau dirubah begitu saja. Oleh karena itu, pariwisata NTB disarankan untuk mengadopsi konsep Halal Tourism dan pariwisata konvensional seperti yang diterapkan di Thailand. Negara Thailand yang bukan temasuk negara muslim, justru menjadi negara dengan destinasi masyarakat muslim terbesar kedua. Sehingga dalam tulisan ini, akan dibahas beberapa alasan yang melatarbelakangi konsep pariwisata di Thailand juga cocok diterapkan di NTB, khususnya pulau Lombok.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implementation of India’s Maritime Doctrine to Respond China Naval Presence in Indian Ocean Region ]]>
<![CDATA[Anak Agung Banyu Perwita]]>;
<![CDATA[Fadhlur Rivanda]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.38
<![CDATA[Indian Ocean is a strategic and crucial location of the region and became the centre of global politics. Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has several important gulfs, straits, bays and seas within which most of it located in the northern part of the ocean. Major shipment routes intersect its enormous area, with crucial choke points and water courses connecting Indian Ocean to other main ocean parts on the earth. Indian Ocean region is part of China’s significant security interests, where China is currently leading to an ever advanced military existence within the area. China’s overpowering strategic focus in the Indian Ocean is the preservation of their maritime trading routes, particularly those transporting oil and gas that the Chinese economy relies upon. Indian Ocean Region is at the top of Indian policy priorities. India’s vision for Indian Ocean Region is deep-rooted in preceding cooperation in the region and to use their capabilities for the benefit of all in their common maritime home. The Indian Ocean holds particular importance for India. India is definitely trying to maintain their national security interests in Indian Ocean. In response to the condition in the Indian Ocean, India implemented its Indian Maritime Doctrine which is applied through Indian Navy as the way to respond China’s naval existence in IOR since 2008. This implementation brings the sources of its naval application as an effort to balance China’s naval presence in IOR through its doctrine. The unilateral naval effort is held to respond China in IOR. Moreover, a further effort of Indian navy is needed through bilateral cooporation that will further support its unilateral effort in balancing China’s active presence in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[The Failure of Providing Human Security For Rohingya Refugees (Case Study: Escaping Rohingya Refugees From Shelter In Skb Bireuen, Aceh Province) ]]>
<![CDATA[Risky Novialdi]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020): Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, University of Mataram ]]>
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DOI: 10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.39
<![CDATA[This paper analyses the failure to provide humanitarian security for Rohingya refugees at the Sanggar Kegiatan Bersama (SKB) in Bireuen, Aceh. Humanitarian protection should provide security and comfort for Rohingya refugees. However, according to a local newspaper 'Serambi', on 15 February 2019 there were only 11 Rohingya refugees living in the Bireuen SKB. This number increased to 79 people on 20 April 2019. This means that Aceh has failed to provide human security for Rohingya refugees. What exactly caused this failure? While Aceh has provided human security in a political context, it has been unable to provide human security in an economic sense. In addition, there have been allegations that Rohingya refugees in Aceh are not only seeking asylum but also trying to find work. From initial observation until 15 April 2019, only two people were still living in the SKB as refugees. The other refugees had escaped from the shelter. This paper draws on interviews and direct observation at the Bireuen SKB.]]>
