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<![CDATA[Pelaksanaan Pelayanan Kesehatan Penyandang Disabilitas: Perspektif Fiqih Siyasah ]]>
<![CDATA[Rindy Mustika]]>;
<![CDATA[Hervin Yoki Pradikta]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 2 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i2.11368
<![CDATA[Article 12 Sub C of Law Number 8 of 2016 concerning Health Services for Persons with Disabilities is present by giving responsibility to the government for the right to health services for persons with disabilities. As explained in Article 12 of Law Number 8 of 2016 namely: "That persons with disabilities have the right to obtain equality and opportunity for safe, quality, and affordable health services". Persons with disabilities are also citizens of the Republic of Indonesia who in the 1945 Constitution are guaranteed to have the same position, rights, obligations and roles as other citizens. Inpatient Puskesmas Katibung South Lampung is a health center that has the widest working area compared to other health centers in Katibung, South Lampung. So the Katibung Inpatient Health Center, South Lampung, plays an important role in providing health services for all people in the working area of the health center, without exception for people with disabilities. The formulation of the research problem is how to the right to health services for persons with disabilities from the fiqh siyasah perspective at the Katibung Inpatient Health Center. This study aims to determine how the implementation of the fulfillment of the right to health services for persons with disabilities in the fiqh siyasah perspective at the Katibung Inpatient Health Center. As for this writing, using field research methods means that this research is carried out by going directly to the field that will be the object of research. Sources of data used in this study are secondary data such as books, journals, government publications and primary data such as observations and interviews, so as to obtain primary data it is clear that a population and sample are needed in this study. The total population in this study was 159 people and took a sample of 10 people using purposive sampling technique. In this study, it was revealed that health services for persons with disabilities were still not fully fulfilled due to the absence of information and data collection, stigmatization and socio-cultural factors. ]]>
<![CDATA[Konstitutionalistas Perda Syari'ah di Indonesia dalam Kajian Otonomi Daerah ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Yasin al Arif]]>;
<![CDATA[Panggih F. Paramadina]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8953
<![CDATA[The rolling of regional autonomy in 1999 was marked by the issuance of Law Number 22 Year 1999 concerning Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 concerning Financial Balance between the Central and Regional Governments, has provided a very strong impetus for the regions to regulate their regions according to the aspirations of the people in the regions. In an instant, the euphoria was manifested by the local elite into legal regulations that tended to be elitist. Now the issue of problematic regional regulations has shifted no longer only with a material tendency, but has spread to the area of choice of the ideology that underlies it, namely the regional regulations with the nuances of Islamic law. The authorship uses a normative juridical research method, in which the author uses laws, journal articles, books and documents that support the analysis related to the constitutionality of sharia regulations. Thus, the sharia regional regulations are substantially inconsistent with the spirit of regional autonomy. Except for areas that are given specificity in carrying out their government. Although the aims and objectives of the formation of these regional regulations are good for improving a reduced moral order, they must be used in a way that is in accordance with the established legal structures. So that by referring to the theory about the level of legal norms and hierarchy that have been determined in Law no. 12 of 2011, the Sharia Regional Regulation substantially contradicts the legal norms that are above it and can be said to be unconstitutional. ]]>
<![CDATA[Hak Negara untuk Mengontrol Sumber Daya Alam di Indonesia: Review Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ]]>
<![CDATA[Rifandy Ritonga]]>;
<![CDATA[Isharyanto Isharyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Rudy Rudy]]>;
<![CDATA[Aulia Oktarizka Vivi Pusita Sari A.P]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 2 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i2.11343
<![CDATA[This study aims to look at the interpretation and impact of the decisions of the Constitutional Court relating to the review of laws relating to the State's Right to Control in the management of natural resources. This research is a normative legal research using secondary data which includes primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The approach used is a statutory approach. The results of the study found that on the one hand it is a guideline for understanding and interpreting Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution which has been amended. On the other hand, from several Judicial Review made by the Constitutional Court, there are legal uncertainties, one of which is the Oil and Gas Law and the Electricity Law. In addition, the lack of uniformity in understanding natural resources in every decision of the Constitutional Court also causes differences in understanding in interpreting Natural Resources to be included in the law.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Fiqh Siyasah Dusturiyah dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Tentang Trading in Influence dalam Hukum Positif di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[M. Edwar Rinaldo]]>;
<![CDATA[Hervin Yoki Pradikta]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8955
<![CDATA[The mode of corruption and crime from time to time has undergone a significant change. This can be seen from the various corruption cases managed by law enforcers, both by the Corruption Eradication Commission, the Police and the Attorney General's Office. Influence trading in reality in the United Nation Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) has been categorized as a form of corruption. This is regulated in article 18 of the convention. As a country that has ratified the UNCAC, Indonesia still has not regulated this trade of influence. However, if we examine a number of cases handled by law enforcers such as the KPK (Anti-Corruption Comission), it clearly has this dimension of influence. Such as the chairman of a political party and the family of a public official who takes advantage of their position and closeness to public officials. From this influence there is an undue advantage (undue advantage). In the view of Islam, this is one of the deviant behaviors that will result in a poor work ethic because it tends to give an affair or case that is not the expert. The authorship uses the method of research in a normative juridical manner, where the author uses laws, journal articles, books and documents that support in analyzing the interpretation of fiqh siyasah dusturiyah in the formation of regulations on Trading in Influence (trading influence) in positive law, its formation or by updating existing laws by accommodating the delik trading in influence contained in the UNCAC into Law No.31 of 1999 jo Law No.20 of 2001 on Corruption Crimes , with Ijtihad (ra'yu) from the role of Ahlu al halliwal Aqdhi he has the right to form and revise the rule of law in force, Consequently ratified united nation convention against corruption (UNCAC) by Indonesia through Law No. 7 of 2006 on Ratification of UNCAC is a necessity to adopt norms that are considered important into positive law in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Perspektif Fiqh Siyasah terhadap Peran Dinas Sosial dalam Menangani Anak Jalanan di Kota Bandar Lampung ]]>
<![CDATA[Kartika S]]>;
<![CDATA[Deni Yolanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Helma Maraliza]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 2 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i2.11006
<![CDATA[The existence of street children, homeless people and beggars using the road is not in accordance with the function of the road because it can interfere with safety, security and smooth traffic. Along with the implementation of regional autonomy policies, the regions must play an active role in carrying out efforts to handle these social problems through the role of the Social Service. The research method using field research is carried out by reviewing data sourced from the research location or field. Based on its nature, this research is a descriptive study, namely a study to describe certain phenomena or symptoms. Based on the results of the research, the role of the Bandar Lampung City Social Service is in accordance with the principles of Islamic law, namely having a role to handle street children, namely by controlling the streets, which is handed over to the POL-PP for later coaching at the Bandar Lampung City Social Service. deemed disturbing, they will be arrested and brought to the Social Service and summoned by the family, a report is made in the form of an agreement as an effort to prevent it from happening again. During the coaching street children are given spiritual showers, as well as training and useful teachings. So that later street children will get provisions for a more decent life and can work with the skills that have been given.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Relasi Fenomena Kriminalitas Dengan Kebijakan Publik ]]>
<![CDATA[Henry Iwansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8957
<![CDATA[This study revealed the phenomenon of crime in North Lampung Regency, Lampung Province. The aim, in addition to getting a complete picture, is to analyze the relationship between empirical phenomena and local government policies. This type of research is "descriptive-analytic" using a qualitative approach. The techniques used are mostly based on in-depth interviews, documentation, observation and focus group discussion. The results of the study show that the crime rate in North Lampung Regency in the past 5 (five) years was quite alarming, although in the 2017-2018 range there was a significant downward trend.This decrease was caused by (1) District Government policies in the field of public security, which were implemented in the form of intensive government apparatus (police) in effort to eradicate crime, and (2) policies in the field of non-Public Security in the form of developing a creative economy and youth coaching. This study concludes that out of the 2 (two) types of policy, the handling of the public security sector is only effective in tackling crime for short-term needs. While for long-term needs, the District Government needs to develop a policy of economic development based on local potential.]]>
<![CDATA[Optimalisasi Tugas dan Fungsi DPRD dalam Mewujudkan Pemerintahan Bersih ]]>
<![CDATA[Rudi Santoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Habib Shulton A]]>;
<![CDATA[Fathul Mu'in]]>;
<![CDATA[Arif Fikri]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8960
<![CDATA[DPRD has a strategic position in the development of an area. Because, the people's representative institution has three inherent functions, namely the function of making local regulations (legislation), supervision (controlling) and budget function (bugeting). However, the reality of the implementation of the dprd function is still not optimal. This is due to the incomprehension of legislators in describing legislation, even more extreme, the existence of the function is not to assist local governments in carrying out government duties but rather as a tool for personal and party interests. This writing uses normative juridical research methods, where the author uses laws, journal articles, books and documents that support in discussing the issue of optimizing the tasks and functions of dprd members in realizing clean government. This study concluded, good governance can be done by optimizing and improving the quality of dprd members by improving the quality and understanding of DPRD members to their duties and functions. The fruit of quality improvement can be measured by how much the role of the DPRD in terms of partnership with executive institutions in making local regulations, drafting budgets, and in monitoring the course of government.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Maqasid Asy-Syari’ah Terhadap Radikalisme Keagamaan Di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Maimun Maimun]]>;
<![CDATA[Mawardi Mawardi]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8539
<![CDATA[Isu-isu radikalisme, fundamentalisme, terorisme, militanisme, ekslusifisme, dan intoleran menjadi perbincangan publik yang terus mengemuka dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa dan bernegara seiring dengan perkembangan teknologi informasi. Tidak terkecuali di Indonesia dengan simbol-simbol keagamaan, sehingga muncul term “radikalisme Islam”, “agama radikal” dan term-term lain yang konotasinya justru memojokkan umat Islam. Artikel ini bertujuan membahas persoalan radikalisme agama di Indonesia dengan pendekatan maqasid asy-syari’ah. Terdapat dua permasalahan utama yang akan didiskusikan dalam artikel ini. Petama, Faktor-faktor apasajakah yang menyebabkan terjadinya gerakan radikalisme keagamaan? dan kedua, bagaimana cara untuk menanggulanginya?. Hasil pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa terdapat beberapa faktor yang menyebabkan tumbuhnya radikalisme di Indonesia diantaranya faktor sosial politik, pemahaman dan fanatisme agama, faktor kultural, faktor ideologis dan faktor kebijakan pemerintah. Adapun upaya penanggulannya dapat ditempuh melalui dua jalur, jalur internal yaitu dengan pola pemahaman dan interpretasi terhadap teks-teks keagamaan dan mengintensifkan pola dialogis. Sedangkan melalui jalur eksternal yaitu meminimalisir gerakan radikalisme melalui kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang mengedepankan sifat persuasive dan rasa persaudaraan bukan dengan melakukan pergerakan perlawanan dan kekerasan karena kemudharatan tidak bisa diselesaikan dengan kemudaratan yang lain (aḍ-ḍarar lᾱ yuzᾱlu bi aḍ-ḍarᾱr miṡlih).]]>
<![CDATA[Peran dan Kedudukan Mediasi di Pengadilan Agama ]]>
<![CDATA[Agus Hermanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Iman Nur Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Syeh Sarip Hadaiyatullah]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 2 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i2.11292
<![CDATA[Mediation is a Religious Court facility in the context of resolving disputes outside the court, however, it is often found that the phenomenon of cases that have not been completed from the handling of mediation is often found. What is interesting to study is, what is the role and position of mediation in the religious courts? This paper aims to describe and analyze the role and position of mediation in the religious court environment, with this type of qualitative research in the form of library research, this study aims to examine in depth matters relating to the role and position of mediation in the religious courts environment. The conclusion in this study is that the mediation process has so far been carried out by the court with the position of the judge as a mediator, while the judge is the main role as well as the policy maker, so it becomes a very difficult task to be able to resolve cases outside the court, plus that a case that has been entered in to in court are cases that have been screened through family, community and even customary approaches, and have not been thoroughly visited which then refer to court.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Politisasi Identitas dalam Kontestasi Politik pada Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Frenki Frenki]]>
<![CDATA[ As-Siyasi : Journal of Constitutional Law Vol 1, No 1 (2021): As-Siyasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung ]]>
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DOI: 10.24042/as-siyasi.v1i1.8540
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis politisasi identitas dalam kompetisi pada pemilu di Indonesia. Politisasi identitas tersebut berupa mempolitisir simbol-simbol agama dan etnis sebagai alat politiknya. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif, bersifat deskriptif analisi, dari sumber data primer dan sekunder, data dikumpulkan mengunakan riset kepustakaan (library research), data dilolah melalui editing, coding, dan sistematizing, kemudian dianalisis menggunakan analisis kualitatif dengan cara berfikir deduktif. Adapun hasil dari penilitian ini adalah bahwa para kandidat yang ikut serta dalam kontestansi politik pada pemilu berkemungkinan menang manakalah memiliki tiga modal utama yaitu modal sosial, modal politik dan modal ekonomi. Namun, modal sosial yang dimiliki tersebut banyak disalahgunakan untuk menjatuhkan lawan politiknya. Politisasi identitas agama dan etnis minoritas dianggap efektif bagi para kandidat untuk memperoleh dukungan dari masyarakat beragama dan etnis mayoritas. Praktik politisasi identitas senantiasa muncul pada tahun politik, baik itu pada tingkat pemilihan kepala daerah bahkan pemilihan presiden. Permasalahan praktik politisasi identitas pada pemilu di Indonesia patut dicermati, karena praktik tersebut berpotensi mengarah pada dampak yang berlawanan dengan tujuan demokrasi dan menjurus pada perpecahan yang menyebabkan terjadinya instabilitas politik dan disintegrasi bangsa Indonesia. Untuk itu, para kandidat yang terlibat dalam kontesrtasi pilitik pada pemilu hendaknya memiliki kesadaran yang tinggi dan lebih mengutamakan persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa dari daripada kepentingan politik sesaat.]]>
