cover
Contact Name
-
Contact Email
-
Phone
-
Journal Mail Official
-
Editorial Address
-
Location
Kota bandung,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmiah HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
  • JurnalIlmiahHubunganInternasiona
  • Website
ISSN : 26142562     EISSN : 24068748     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
JIHI can be a reference and literature source for academician in International Relations area as it consists of articles and research reports on International Relations Issues. Articles and research reports are written by academics who is the expert on its field like Security Studies, International Political Economy, Regime, International Organization, Gender and International Relations, Diplomacy, Media and International Relations, etc.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 268 Documents
Quadruple Helix Collaboration in Efforts to Fulfill Human Security in Kemijen Village, Semarang City Satwika Paramasatya; Yemima Galih Pradipta; Kevin Rendra Pratama; Desy Ramadhani
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 17 No. 2 (2021): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v17i2.4699.219-238

Abstract

Human security is very vital for humans. Initially, security was defined as freedom from war. However, over time it began to shift into a broad and collective concept of security. The United Nations established three important pillars of Human Security, namely: freedom from want, freedom from fear, and freedom to live in dignity. The implementation of compliance with Human Security is complex and not simple. This paper argues that the Triple Helix model, the position of society is neglected because they are only positioned as an object where they should also be the one who play an active role as actors. Therefore, a new breakthrough is needed in the effort to fulfill Human Security in Kemijen Village, Semarang City through the Quadruple Helix concept that involves government, business, academics and the community. This study uses a descriptive-qualitative approach by combining literature studies and interviews. The Quadruple Helix is basically a collaboration between top-down and bottom-up approaches, and this study proves that the Quadruple Helix model is utmost important, because the solutions are more well-targeted and meet the needs of the community. The Quadruple Helix model also allowed the people of Kemijen Village to be involved to become subjects through Focus Group Discussion.
Hydrosolidarity di Sungai Nil: Peran Nile Basin Initiative dalam Manajemen Sungai Lintas Batas Muhammad Aditya Purnomo
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4362.55-73

Abstract

This article aims to explain the importance of NBI’s role in Nile River management. Transboundary basins are important water resources for 2 billion lives across the world. Those basins fulfil domestic water, drinking water, agriculture, industry, and electric generator needs. In north-east of Africa, Nile river plays the important role for its eleven riparian states. Nile river, being the longest river in the world, supports the lives of more than 300 million people, and the number is estimated to rise greatly in three to four decades in the future. The increase of population will affect the availability of water as the demands of agriculture, domestic, and industry grow. Nile riparian states realized that the best option in using, protecting, and managing the river in a sustainable and integrated manner is through international cooperation. In 1999, Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) was established with Nile riparian states as its member, with the purpose of facilitating discussions of cooperation regarding the management of the river. This article uses the theory of hydrosolidarity. Results show that NBI has important roles in Nile river management, namely in the creation of a cooperative institutional structure, supporting stakeholder participations, supporting data and knowledge sharing, and supporting integrations and linkages. Keywords: Hydrosolidarity; Nile Basin Initiative; Nile River; Transboundary River
Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy: What to Expect from the New United States President Rizky Ihsan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4514.88-98

Abstract

  Joseph Biden came to the oval office with his wealth of experience in government affairs, including as the chair in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to his campaign promises, the upcoming Biden administration’s foreign policy is aimed at improving the US’ international credibility based on liberal values. This article will further examine his political aspirations, based on the speech, campaign promises, and official statements. The argument is that although the US would be likely to embrace liberal values under his administration, international constraints may limit his ability in foreign policy agenda-setting. In managing its relations with China, for example, the US would be more likely to be driven by its interest rather than its values, particularly by continuing the anti-China coalition with its allies in the Indo-Pacific.      
Persepsi Angela Merkel dan Open Door Policy dalam Krisis Pengungsi Eropa 2015 Annisa Nabilatul Khaira; Muhammad Yusra; Rifki Dermawan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4603.1-13

Abstract

When Europe was hit by the refugee crisis in 2015, Germany as the leader of the European Union implemented policies that contrasted markedly with those of other member countries. Through the Open Door Policy under the command of Angela Merkel, Germany voluntarily opened its borders so that refugees were able to enter its territory. Unfortunately, this policy triggered many protests and rejections from various circles. Among these were members of the general public, opposition parties, Merkel's own party, interest groups and the European Union as a regional umbrella for Germany. The determination of this policy did not involve the participation of the Bundestag (level I parliament) in a democratic manner, either. Despite the many objections that arose, Merkel remained adamant about defending and enforcing her controversial policy. This attitude reflects the existence of a separate perspective or perception that Merkel had in seeing the refugee crisis, so she established an Open Door Policy. This paper will shed light on how Angela Merkel's personal perception could have led to her choice of providing protection for refugees despite having to face various forms of resistance. By using the framework of the relationship between perception and decision-making according to Ole R. Holsti, it was found that belief and image systems influenced Angela Merkel's perception that Germany should be the main actor in responding to the refugee crisis that occurred in the European Union region and the rest of the world as well.  
Menjunjung Tinggi Multilateralisme: Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia dalam Merespons Pandemi Covid-19 Luerdi Luerdi; Azhari Setiawan
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5255.29-54

Abstract

The 2019 Coronavirus disease or COVID-19 has apparently become a new global challenge. Not only did the pandemic drive all actors to make response, but it also affected the relations among them. That Indonesia raised multilateralism in the unprecedented situation while more unilateral or populist actions taken by a number of states encouraged this research. This paper attempts to explain Indonesia’s foreign policy in upholding multilateralism to respond to the COVID-19. Such response was intended to mitigate the impacts caused by the pandemic. This research applied holistic constructivism in understanding the determinants of Indonesia’s foreign policy by investigating both domestic and international cause. This research utilized the qualitative method with an explanatory analysis. The findings show that such Indonesia’s foreign policy was driven by its identity constructed by both indigenous norm of ‘Gotong Royong’ and global norm of ‘International Health Regulation’. The norm-laden or identity-based foreign policy was leading it to uphold multilateralism which was considered appropriate in order to coordinate, collaborate and cooperate with international communities. In addition, Indonesia maintained its trust on and support to the World Health Organization as the most leading actor in health governance championing fight against the pandemic. This paper argues that the norm factors do matter in Indonesia’s foreign policy in facing uncertainties in the vulnerable and interconnected world. Through the case studied, this paper suggests that looking at the domestic actor as well as the state in international system help provide a better understanding on the state behavior in international relations.
Hollowness of Imagination: Common Sense and Democracy Ben Kristian Citto Laksana; Lidia Kristi Agustina
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5654.14-28

Abstract

The transition to democracy in Indonesia has somehow resulted in a majoritarian democracy. By linking the legacy of the New Order regime with the current understanding of democracy, this paper attempts to comprehend and analyze how deeply the common sense of the New Order regime has been rooted in the lives of Indonesian people. The legacy of the New Order regime has been rooted in the personal lives of individuals because the regime implemented its values ​​in the realm of family structures and education systems. To help liberate the minds and souls of Indonesians and be truly democratic, society must be able to become autonomous. A critical pedagogical approach will help to lay bare the common sense and values ​​that have been instilled by the regime, so that people can live autonomously and side by side. Since democracy in Indonesia tends to favor the majority, this study proposes a critical pedagogical approach at every level of society to achieve a power sharing arrangement.  
Identification of New Southern Policy Narratives within ROK’s Digital Diplomacy toward ASEAN Ratih Indraswari; Eunwoo Joo
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v18i1.5672.74-87

Abstract

Republic of Korea (ROK) shifted its policy focus toward ASEAN through the New Southern Policy (NSP). As the core foreign policy to its southern neighbors, the NSP is envisioned to ‘elevate’ ASEAN status. The partnership has been backed by institutional and bureaucratic transformation to sustain the policy. Accordingly, ROK tapped on its digital resources to support this diplomatic engagement. Digital diplomacy, therefore, is an important strategy to engage the ASEAN public. However, does ROK's digital primacy is translated well to support NSP's digital diplomacy? This paper utilizes empirical explorative qualitative primary data collection of ROK's government tweets on two levels of analysis; towards domestic and foreign audiences. The finding confirms that domestic engagement is better. However, further scrutiny shows that within domestic narratives NSP is mainly used as a political tool. Meanwhile, on external engagement, this paper argues for ROK’s digital diplomacy deficit toward ASEAN. Not only does ROK's digital diplomacy strategy lack uniformity, but it also fails to create conversation about NSP. Keywords : ASEAN, Republic of Korea, New Southern Policy, Digital Diplomacy, Twitter
Implementasi Kebijakan Undang-Undang Nomor 52 Tahun 2009 dalam Meminimalkan Tindakan Kekerasan dalam Rumah Tangga di Kabupaten Jayawijaya Vince Tebay
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 2022: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional: Edisi Khusus Papua
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v0i00.5968.135-144

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis sejauh mana implementasi kebijakan Undang-Undang Nomor 52 Tahun 2009, faktor-faktor pendukung dan penghambat implementasi kebijakan, serta upaya pemerintah meminimalkan tindakan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga di Kabupaten Jayawijaya, dengan fokus pada lima fungsi keluarga (agama, sosial budaya, pendidikan, ekonomi, dan kesetaraan). Desain penelitian kualitatif digunakan untuk mengevaluasi implementasi dari suatu kebijakan atau program. Pengumpulan data melalui wawancara diperoleh dari anggota masyarakat dari 40 distrik di Kabupaten Jayawijaya, yang diklasifikasikan sebagai informan utama dengan jumlah 17 orang pelaku, 17 orang korban, dan 2 orang pendamping korban. Analisis data kualitatif meliputi pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan (verifikasi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implementasi kebijakan Undang-Undang Nomor 52 Tahun 2009 berdasarkan lima fungsi keluarga (fungsi agama, sosial budaya, pendidikan, ekonomi dan kesetaraan) berdampak pada penurunan jumlah tindakan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga yang signifikan pada tahun 2018 sejak sosialisasi Undang-Undang yang dilakukan tahun 2014. Hal tersebut didukung oleh adanya lembaga perwakilan BKKBN di tingkat provinsi dan DP3AKB di tingkat kabupaten, sementara faktor penghambat implementasi kebijakan antara lain faktor demografi serta tidak maksimalnya sosialisasi dan penyebarluasan informasi. Pemerintah melalui DP3AKB Kabupaten Jayawijaya telah melakukan upaya preventif dengan sosialisasi, penyuluhan, dan penyebarluasan informasi; memberikan pendidikan, pelatihan gender bagi aparat pendamping maupun korban; mengirim aparat pendamping Kabupaten Jayawijaya untuk mengikuti seminar-seminar dan penyuluhan tentang KDRT; meningkatkan profesionalisme kerja pendamping korban keterampilan dan kemampuan pendamping korban dalam menyelesaikan setiap kasus; serta bekerja sama dengan psikiater atau psikolog.
Klaim Kerajaan Majapahit dan Penyemaian Nasionalisme Indonesia di Kaimana Bernarda Meteray
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 2022: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional: Edisi Khusus Papua
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v0i00.5969.1-15

Abstract

Awal bersemainya bibit keindonesiaan di antara orang Papua   di bagian utara Papua baik di Jayapura maupun Serui tidak ada kaitannya dengan adanya klaim Papua bahwa telah menjadi bagian dari wilayah kekuasaan Majapahit sejak abad XIV. Sebaliknya, klaim kerajaan Majapahit abad XIV  menunjukkan bahwa Papua merupakan bagian dari wilayah negara nusa Majapahit terlihat dalam kitab Negara Kertagama karya Prapanca. Kitab ini  mengungkapkan nama wilayah kekuasaan Majapahit termasuk  Wwanin dan Srandan di Papua. Kata Wwanin adalah nama lain dari Onin (dekat Fak-Fak), sedangkan Sran adalah nama lain untuk Kowiai atau Kaimana. Namun, klaim Majapahit ini ternyata tidak dapat menjadikan Kaimana dan Fakfak  menjadi pusat awal persemaian keindonesiaan di Papua. Kaimana baru  disinggung dalam sejarah Indonesia ketika pada 1962 menjadi salah satu basis operasi militer pemerintah Indonesia menghadapi Pemerintah Belanda di Papua. Tulisan ini membahas dua hal pokok,  siapa aktor yang terlibat dalam proses penyemaian nasionalisme Indonesia di Kaimana 1946-1964 dan bagaimana proses penyemaian dan pertumbuhan kesadaran nasionalisme Indonesia di antara orang Papua di Kaimana 1946-1964? Kata Kunci: Majapahit, Kaimana, Penyemaian, Proses dan  Nasionalisme Indonesia 
Makna Pembangunan Bagi Orang Asli Papua: Studi Terhadap Marginalisasi dan Depopulasi di Tanah Papua Cahyo Pamungkas; Irin Oktafiani; Leonardus Imbhiri
Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 2022: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional: Edisi Khusus Papua
Publisher : Parahyangan Center for International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/jihi.v0i00.5970.16-38

Abstract

Pembangunan di Tanah Papua merupakan kata kunci dari segala kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia di daerah ini sebagai strategi untuk mengatasi konflik separatisme. Namun, meskipun sejumlah kebijakan telah dilaksanakan seperti Otonomi Khusus dan berbagai Inpres atau Kepres tentang Percepatan Pembangunan di Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat, namun indeks pembangunan manusia di kedua provinsi ini menempati angka yang paling rendah di Indonesia. Penelitian mengenai dampak sosial budaya pembangunan terhadap orang asli Papua telah banyak dilakukan. Misalnya, Tania Li (1999), yang memfokuskan pada dampak pembangunan terhadap peminggiran dan hilangya identitas OAP. Selain itu, juga Elmslie dan Web-Ganon (2010) yang menarasikan mengenai slow motion genocide sebagai akibat dari depopulasi orang asli Papua. Studi terbaru dilakukan oleh LIPI (2019) menunjukkan bahwa pembangunan tidak mencapai sasaran pada orang asli Papua dan belum mengakomodasi tradisi kebudayaan orang Papua. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menggali makna pembangunan bagi orang asli Papua, terutama Bagaimanakah marginalisasi dikonseptualisasikan oleh orang Papua dan Bagaimanakah marginalisasi berperan terhadap depopulasi orang Papua.   Kata Kunci: Pembangunan, Orang Asli Papua, Marginalisasi, Depopulasi  

Filter by Year

2012 2023


Filter By Issues
All Issue Vol. 19 No. 1 (2023): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 2 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 18 No. 1 (2022): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 2022: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional: Edisi Khusus Papua Vol. 17 No. 2 (2021): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 17 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 16 No. 2 (2020): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 16 No. 1 (2020): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 2020: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional: Edisi Khusus Vol. 15 No. 2 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2019): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 14, No 1 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 1 (2018): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 13, No 2 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 2 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 13 No. 1 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 13, No 1 (2017): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 12, No 2 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 12, No 1 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2016): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 11 No. 2 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 11, No 2 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 11 No. 1 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 11, No 1 (2015): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol. 10 No. 2 (2014): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 10, No 2 (2014): Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Vol 10, No 1 (2014) Vol. 10 No. 1 (2014) Vol 9, No 2 (2013) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2013) Vol 9, No 1 (2013) Vol. 9 No. 1 (2013) Vol. 8 No. 2 (2012) Vol 8, No 2 (2012) More Issue