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Al-Jami´ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
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Core Subject : Religion,
Al-Jamiah, a journal of Islamic Studies published by Al-Jami'ah Research Centre of State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta since 1962, can be said as the oldest academic journal dealing with the theme in South East Asia. The subject covers textual and fieldwork studies with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, and many more. In the beginning the journal only served as a scholarly forum for the lecturers and professors at the State Institute of Islamic Studies. However, due to the later development with a broader readership, the journal has successfully invited scholars and researchers outside the Institute to contribute. Thus, Indonesian and non-Indonesian scholars have enriched the studies published in the journal. Although not from the beginning Al-Jamiah presents highly qualified scholarly articles, improvement—in terms format, style, and academic quality—never ceases. Now with articles written in Arabic and English and with the fair procedure of peer-review, Al-Jamiah continues publishing researches and studies pertinent to Islamic studies with various dimensions and approaches.
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Search results for , issue "Vol 53, No 1 (2015)" : 20 Documents clear
Minority Right to Attend Religious Education in Indonesia Raihani, Raihani
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.1-26

Abstract

In 2003, Indonesian government issued a new education law in which one of the articles (Article 12) states that student has the right to access religion class in school in accordance with his or her religion by teachers who share the faith. This particular article has a legal ramification that school --state and private-- by law must provide corresponding Religion Classes (RC) for each religious group of students in order to fulfill their very human basic right to access to and observe their religious and cultural teaching and practices. This paper presents findings of four different school case studies on the problem of access to RC by religious minority in schools in Indonesia. Minority in this paper refers to religious groups that are either numeric minority or subordinate majority at the micro school level, not in the macro national population. This paper argues that numeric minority in any context (micro or macro) is vulnerable to discrimination by the dominating majority when the law of social relations is not fairly implemented. The findings suggest that the right of religious minority groups in three of the four schools to access proper RC is stifled, particularly to access equal learning facilities. Numeric religious minority groups in these schools suffer from powerlessness. One case, however, demonstrates that the positional power of minority group reverses this logic of minority-powerlessness and puts the religious majority students in a subordinate position.[Tahun 2003, pemerintah Indonesia mengeluarkan Undang-Undang Pendidikan yang pada pasal 12 menyatakan bahwa siswa mempunyai hak terhadap pelajaran agama di sekolah dengan guru yang mengajar sesuai dengan agamanya. Pasal ini mempunyai konsekuensi bahwa sekolah, baik swasta atau pun negeri, harus menyediakan kelas agama untuk setiap kelompok siswa untuk mendapatkan hak dasarnya guna melaksanakan agama dan ajarannya. Artikel ini menampilkan hasil penelitian dari empat sekolah dengan studi kasus pada persoalan kelas agama bagi kelompok minoritas. Istilah minoritas di sini merujuk pada kelompok agama yang sedikit jumlahnya atau kelompok kecil pada sekolah, bukan pada level nasional. Tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa minoritas pada konteks mikro atau makro sangat rentan terhadap perlakuan diskriminasi oleh kelompok mayoritas ketika hukum social tidak sepenuhnya dijalankan. Penemuan ini menegaskan bahwa hak keagamaan minoritas dalam tiga dari empat sekolah terganggu, terutama yang terkait dengan hak fasilitas belajar. Beberapa kelompok minoritas pada sekolah tersebut tak berdaya. Namun, satu kasus menunjukkan bahwa kondisi minoritas berbalik, justru  kelompok mayoritas yang menjadi subordinasi.]
Ulama, State, and Politics in Myanmar Kadoe, Naw Lily; Husein, Fatimah
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.131-158

Abstract

Issues related to Islam and Myanmar have become world’s attention, especially in relation to the Rohingya refugees who fled the country in the past few months. The 2010 government census stated that Muslim constitutes 3.9% of  the total 53 million population, who are mainly Theravada Buddhists; but some Muslim leaders interviewed in September 2014 argued that the followers of Prophet Muhammad constituted 17%. This paper finds that violent conflicts involving Muslims and Buddhists in Rakhine State were caused by complex issues including the historical background of  the coming and development of  Islam in Myanmar and the authoritarian military regime, which did not open paths for dialogue. It is surprising to witness how the concept of  “peace” that is at the heart of  the Buddhist teaching seems to be disappeared in the whole issue of  the conflicts. This paper, however, will not focus on the conflicts themselves but on the role of  ulama during the Myanmar conflict.[Isu terkait Islam dan Myanmar telah menyita perhatian dunia, khususnya setelah adanya para pengungsi Rohingya yang keluar dari negeri ini beberapa bulan yang lalu. Sensus tahun 2010 yang dilakukan pemerintah menunjukkan bahwa penhanut Islam berjumlah 3,9% dari total 53 juta penduduk yang mayoritas penganut Budha Theravada; namun menurut beberapa tokoh Islam yang diwawancarai pada  September 2014, penganut Islam mencapai 17%. Tulisan ini melihat bahwa konflik kekerasan antara Muslim dan Budha di Provinsi Rakhine dilatarbelakangi persoalan yang cukup komplek, termasuk latar sejarah masuk dan berkembangnya Islam di Myanmar serta rezim militer yang otoriter yang tidak pernah membuka ruang dialog. Satu hal yang cukup mengejutkan adalah konsep “damai” yang menjadi jantung ajaran Budha tampaknya hilang di telan pusaran konflik.Hanya saja, tulisan ini tidak berfokus pada isu konflik itu sendiri, namun lebih menelisik peran ulama dalam konflik Myanmar.]
The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.27-51

Abstract

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data].
In the Tradition or Outside? Reflections on Teachers and Influences Bruinessen, Martin van
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.53-103

Abstract

In this autobiographical essay, Martin van Bruinessen looks back at the diverse intellectual influences that contributed to his formation as a scholar of Indonesian Islam. He was never trained as an Indonesianist or a scholar of Islam, and came to the subject through a series of unplanned changes in his life trajectory. His first acquaintance with Indonesia was through late colonial and post-colonial Dutch literature. It was followed in his student days by critical reporting on the massacres of 1965-66 and a re-reading of Indonesian history from an anti-imperialist viewpoint. His formal academic training was in entirely different disciplines, and his first experience with anthropological fieldwork took place in a different part of the world. A fortuitous post-doctoral appointment at KITLV, followed by four years at LIPI as a consultant for research methods, enabled him to acquaint himself directly with contemporary Muslim discourses and movements. He had the good fortune of working with leading Indonesian Muslim intellectuals, who became his major teachers. Only when he became a teacher and thesis supervisor himself, at the IAIN Sunan Kalijaga and later at Utrecht University, did he feel the need to reflect on how his own research relates to established academic traditions. The essay documents his growing appreciation of, and lasting critical distance from, the Leiden school of Oriental studies and his relationship with the French tradition of Islamic and Indonesian studies. It also attempts to be the story of the rise and decline of Leiden’s tradition of Indonesian Islamic studies, from the perspective of a critical reader who wishes to remain an outsider.[Dalam tulisan biografis ini, Martin van Buinessen melihat kembali beberapa pengaruh pembentukan dirinya sebagai sarjana tentang Islam Indonesia. Martin tidak belajar khusus tentang keindonesiaan atau keislaman, minat itu muncul dari perubahan-perubahan dalam hidupnya. Perkenalannya dengan Indonesia dimulai lewat tulisan-tulisan dari masa akhir dan pasca penjajahan. Pengalamannya berlanjut pada masa studinya saat menulis laporan kritis tentang kasus 1965-1966 dan dengan pembacaan ulangnya atas sejarah Indonesia dari sudut pandang anti imperalisme. Latar belakang pendidikan formalnya sama sekali berbeda, sementara pengalaman pertama riset antropologinya juga di tempat yang berbeda. Posisi post-doktoral di KITLV dan diikuti empat tahun di LIPI sebagai konsultan metodologi riset membuat Martin bersinggungan langsung dengan wacana muslim kontemporer dan gerakannya. Martin sangat beruntung bertemu dengan para cendikiawan muslim Indonesia yang kemudian menjadi guru-gurunya. Dari pengalamannya menjadi dosen dan supervisor disertasi di IAIN Sunan Kalijaga, sekarang UIN Sunan Kalijaga, dan selanjutnya di Universitas Utrecht juga, Martin merasa perlu untuk merefleksikan kembali penelitiannya dalam kaitannya dengan tradisi akademik yang mapan. Tulisan ini mendokumentasikan perkembangan apresiasinya, sekaligus kritiknya, terhadap studi ketimuran mazhab Leiden serta keterkaitannya dengan studi keislaman dan keindonesiaan dalam tradisi Perancis. Ini juga merupakan upaya untuk menulis sejarah naik-turunnya studi keislaman Indonesia mazhab Leiden dari perspektif seorang pembaca kritis yang berusaha tetap menjadi ‘orang luar’.]
Analysing the State’s Laws on Religious Education in Post-New Order Indonesia Yusuf, Mohamad; Sterkens, Carl
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.105-130

Abstract

This article aims to analyse the Indonesian State’s laws regarding models of religious education, by evaluating Law No. 20/2003, concerning the national system of education and other related laws. Two questions are highlighted: What type of religious education is favoured by Indonesian state? Does the preference for a certain type of religious education reflect a specific vision of the state-religion relationship? Our data consisted of two sources: the State’s law on national education system, Law No. 20/2003, and the minutes of the Indonesian parliament meeting approving the law. We found that Law No. 20/2003 expresses the preference of the government for a mono-religious model. Indonesia is categorized as having preferred treatment for some religions or support for a particular religious tradition. This categorisation is confirmed by the results of our research findings indicated by the preferential treatment delivered by the State, and the State’s legislation and regulations on religion.[Tulisan ini menganalisis legislasi negara terhadap pendidikan agama dengan cara mengevaluasi UU No. 20/2003 tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional beserta perundang-undangan terkait lainnya. Dua pertanyaan berusaha untuk dijawab dalam tulisan ini, yaitu: Model pendidikan agama yang bagaimana yang menjadi preferensi negara? Apakah preferensi tersebut merefleksikan visi negara terhadap model relasi negara-agama tertentu? Tulisan ini merujuk kepada dua data utama, yaitu: UU No. 20/2003 tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional serta Risalah Rapat Paripurna ke-35 DPR RI tahun 2003 yang mengesahkan UU No. 20/2003. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa UU Sistem Pendidikan Nasional merefleksikan preferensi negara terhadap model pendidikan agama mono-relijius. Model pendidikan mono-religius ini merefleksikan preferensi negara terhadap model relasi negara-agama preferensial; negara mengakui lebih dari satu agama resmi dan memberi dukungan kepada institusi-institusinya, yang direfleksikan melalui legislasi dan peraturan terkait agama.]
‘Ā’isha, Mother of the Faithful: The Prototype of Muslim Women Ulama Harpci, Fatih
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.159-179

Abstract

Having a unique intelligence and assertiveness, ‘Ā’isha has been regarded Islam’s ideal woman scholar. She was not only as one of the earliest reporters of the authentic sayings of the Prophet Muḥammad, but also a great source for conveying his private family life. The article seeks to show that ‘Ā’isha’s life in the 7th century Arabia is especially remarkable when examined through the lenses of contemporary times. Her main characteristic was her critical, ever-inquisitive, and curious mind. Through the questions she was able to ask, ‘Ā’isha became a bridge between the time of the Prophet and the contemporary Muslim life. The important role she played in the scholarly efforts of Muslim men and women in learning and teaching knowledge needs to be examined and properly emphasized. Her sound scholarship in Islamic disciplines include but was not necessarily be limited to hadith, tafsīr, fiqh, literature, and poetry. Today Muslim women may take ‘Ā’isha not only as a pious example, but follow her intelligence, curiosity, and reasoning.[Dengan kecerdasan dan kepercayaan diri yang khas, Ā’isha terkenal sebagai seorang ulama perempuan yang ideal. Tidak hanya dikenal sebagai perawi hadis, dia juga merupakan rujukan yang hebat mengenai masalah-masalah pribadi dan keluarga. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa kehidupa seorang Ā’isha pada abad ke-7 di Arabia sangatlah luar biasa pada masanya, dengan karakternya yang kritis, penuh rasa ingin tahu, dan bersemangat untuk mempelajari apa saja. Melalui pertanyaan yang dapat diajukan, Ā’isha mampu menjadi jembatan antara Nabi dan kehidupan umat masa itu. Peran penting yang dia mainkan dalam dunia keilmuan serta pembelajaran dan pengajaran sangat perlu diteliti dan digarisbawahi. Pandangan-pandangannya mencakup --tetapi tidak sebatas-- hadis, tafsir, fikih, sastra, dan puisi. Perempuan Islam saat ini tidak hanya dapat mengikuti Ā’isha sebagai teladan kesalihan, tetapi juga mesti mengikuti kecerdasan, keingintahuan, dan penalarannya.]
Is Prophethood Superfluous?Conflicting Outlook on the Necessity of Prophethood between Badiuzzaman Said Nursi and Some Muslim Philosophers Saleh, Fauzan
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.205-224

Abstract

As early as tenth century, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (d. 925), a notable figure in Islamic philosophy, claimed that prophethood is entirely superfluous, since God imparted the gift of reason to humankind, and reason is enough to guide them. Al-Rāzī’s skeptical view sounds provocative, and thus worthy of further study. However, some other philosophers, like al-Farābī, Ibn Sīnā and Ibn Maskawaih, acknowledge the necessity of prophethood for the guidance of human life. Their idea, though formulated in different reasoning from the one held by Muslim theologians, indicates their acceptance of the authority of divine revelation. On the other hand, Said Nursi, one of the greatest Muslim reformers in the modern time, maintains that since “divine power does not leave the ant without leader, or bees without a queen, it surely would not leave mankind without prophet or code of law.” After all, the order of the world necessitates the existence of the prophets to preserve its solidity. This article will scrutinize more critically Nursi’s idea on the necessity of divine revelation that would enlighten human path to truth, to be compared with some ideas held by Muslim philosophers in discussing the relationship between reason and revelation, and its corollaries.[Filsuf besar dari abad ke-10, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī (w. 925), menyatakan bahwa diutusnya seorang nabi sebenarnya tidak perlu lagi, karena Tuhan telah menganugerahkan akal pada manusia yang akan mampu membimbing mereka. Pandangan skeptis dari al-Rāzī ini terdengar provokatif dan perlu dieksplorasi lebih lanjut. Namun, beberapa filsuf seperti al-Farabi, Ibnu Sina, dan Ibn Maskawaih mengakui perlunya nabi untuk membimbing manusia. Pandangan para filsuf ini, meski dengan nalar yang berbeda dengan para ahli teologi, mengindikasikan penerimaan terhadap otoritas wahyu ketuhanan. Di sisi lain, Said Nursi, seorang pemikir-reformis modern, menyatakan bahwa karena “kuasa Tuhan tidak pernah membiarkan sekawanan semut tanpa pemimpin, atau sekelompok lebah tanpa ratunya, maka pastilah manusia juga tidak akan dibiarkan tanpa seorang nabi atau syariat.” Lebih dari itu, tata dunia juga memerlukan kehadiran seorang nabi untuk menjaga soliditasnya. Tulisan ini akan melihat secara lebih dalam dan kritis mengenai pemikiran Said Nursi tentang pentingnya wahyu ketuhanan untuk menerangi langkah manusia menemukan kebenaran; kemudian dibandingkan dengan pandangan filsuf-filsuf muslim lainnya dalam membincang keterkaitan nalar dan wahyu dengan segala konsekuensinya.]
On Minority and Majority Issues
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

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Abstract

Religious Leaders And Peace Building: The Role of Tuan Guru and Pedanda in Conflict Resolution in Lombok – Indonesia Suprapto, S
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.225-250

Abstract

In some situations where the state is too weak to gain trust from the people, religious leaders have a significant role in maintaining social harmony. In many cases of the social unrest as what happened in Lombok, Tuan Guru and Pedanda played important roles in building a peaceful condition. Tuan Guru and Pedanda with their authorities have vital influences in calming down their Muslim and Hindu communities respectively. With their own ways, they were able to localize conflict issues, so much so that the social conflicts did not escalate to become greater massive riot. This article describes a number of efforts made by Tuan Guru and Pedanda  to establish peace in Lombok, such as: calming down the followers; localizing issue to reduce mass panic; reminding members of the family or community to resist social prejudice; socializing religious teachings especially the need to forge harmony; promoting “Semeton Sasak and Batur Bali” as a value of brotherhood among Balinese-Hindu and Sasaknese-Muslim; creating social sanctions against those who violated the agreements among communities; and improving the effectiveness of customary law known as awik-awik.[Pemimpin atau tokoh agama memiliki peran signifikan dalam merawat harmoni social, terutama di saat negara kurang memperoleh kepercayaan dari rakyat. Dalam sejumlah kasus kerusuhan social yang terjadi Lombok, Tuan Guru dan Pedanda memainkan peran penting dalam menciptakan kedamaian. Dengan otoritas mereka, Tuan Guru dan Pedanda mampu menenangkan massa. Dengan caranya sendiri, mereka mampu melokalisasi isu, sehingga eskalasi konflik tidak meluas menjadi kerusuhan yang massif. Artikel ini mendeskripsikan sejumlah upaya yang dikembangkan oleh Tuan Guru dan Pedanda dalam rangka bina damai di Lombok, seperti menenangkan jamaah; melokalisasi isu konflik agar massa tidak panic; mengingatkan keluraga atau anggota komunitas untuk menahan diri; mensosialisasikan nilai-nilai harmoni dalam agama, mempromosikan konsep “Semeton Sasak and Batur Bali” sebagai sebuah nilai persaudaraan antara orang Hindu-Bali dan Sasak-Muslim; menciptakan sanksi sosial bagi mereka yang melanggar kesepakatan bersama; dan meningkatkan efektifitas hukum adat yang dikenal dengan sebutan awik-awik.]
Islamism and Post-Islamism: “Non-Muslim” in Socio-Political Discourse of Pakistan, the United States, and Indonesia Harmakaputra, Hans Abdiel
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.179-204

Abstract

Islamism is defined by Asef Bayat as ideologies and movements that strive to establish some kind of an ‘Islamic order,’ in the form of a religious state, sharia law, or moral codes. However, Bayat and other scholars have found that nowadays Islamism is changing and many countries share the traits of post-Islamism instead of Islamism. According to Bayat, post-Islamism is both condition and project to “conceptualize and strategize the rationale and modalities of transcending Islam in social, political, and intellectual domains.” In short, it has a hybrid tendency to combine Islam and democracy. This paper will discuss how the category of “non-Muslim” is taken place in the socio-political discourse of Islamism and post-Islamism. To limit the discussion, there are only three examples from Pakistan, the United States, and Indonesia.[Islamisme menurut Asef Bayat adalah ideologi dan gerakan yang berjuang untuk membentuk semacam “tatanan Islam” dalam bentuk negara Islam, hukum syariat, atau pun hukum etis. Saat ini, islamisme telah berubah. Di beberapa negara muncul gejala post-islamisme yang khas. Bayat mendefinisikan post-islamisme sebagai kondisi dan keinginan untuk mengkonsep alasan dan modalitas untuk mengusung Islam ke ranah sosial, politik, dan keilmuan. Sehingga, muncul pula kecenderungan untuk menggabungkan Islam dan demokrasi. Tulisan ini mendiskusikan konsep “non-muslim” dalam wacana sosial politik terkait dengan Islamisme dan post-Islamisme. Pembahasan dibatasi pada tiga contoh dari Pakistan, Amerika Serikat, dan Indonesia.]

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