Global Strategis
Jurnal Global & Strategis is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JGS invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JGS published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
Articles
173 Documents
<![CDATA[Foreign Policy and National Interest: Realism and Its Critiques ]]>
<![CDATA[Munafrizal Manan]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 2 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.2.2015.175-189
<![CDATA[Realism stated that conflict or even war among countries are acceptable in order to achieve national interest. Such a view has become the mainstream in international relations (IR) both theoretically and practically. But it does not mean that realist views are the best approach to discuss foreign policy and national interest. Liberalism and global humanism can be used as alternative approaches to discuss it. From the perspective of liberalism and global humanism, foreign policy is not only reflecting national interest, but also dealing with human and global interest. By focussing on the issues of economic globalization, democracy, human rights, and environment, the approaches of liberalism and global humanism show that these issues have now become a part of foreign policy and national interest of countries. It means that if it comes to human and global interests, then countries choose to cooperate globally rather than to involve in conflict or war.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implementation of Russian Federation’s Coercive Diplomacy towards Ukraine in the New Great Game Context over Gas Pipeline Dispute (2006 -2009) ]]>
<![CDATA[Anak Agung Banyu Perwita]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurhayati Pakpahan]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 1 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.1.2016.125-136
<![CDATA[The worsening of technical and safety condition of the pipeline infrastructure in Ukraine due to economic crisis following the end of the Cold War had driven Russia to provide compensation to Ukraine through applying subsidy on its gas price and paying the Ukrainian gas imports as long as Ukraine keep its promise to pay back the country’s debt until 2005. However, since Ukraine’s integration with the United States and its Western Allies by asking to become part of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union state members, it refused to pay its high gas debts to Russia. This situation made Russia feels threatened towards its national security where there will be a possibility to the fall of Russian political influence in Ukraine. In 2006, Russia decided to implement its coercive diplomacy actions towards Ukraine through politicizing its gas sector.]]>
<![CDATA[Peacebuilding: the Shift towards a Hybrid Peace Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[Syaiful Anam]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.1.2015.37-48
<![CDATA[This paper examines the transformation within the practice and concept ofcontemporary peacebuilding. Peacebuilding, practically and conceptually, hasbeen dominated by the liberal peace paradigm. In this case, theinstitutionalising of its core ideas such as democratisation, human rights, therule of law, and liberal market system to the post-conflict states and to a socalled ‘fragile/failed states’ aiming at bringing peace and security has failed to create a comprehensive and sustainable peace on the ground as exemplified in Nicaragua, Haiti, Bosnia, Afghanistan, and other post-war states. Scholars focused on the issue of peacebuilding have engaged to a new approach that challenge the domination of the liberal paradigm through the accommodation and appreciation upon the ‘local’ and thus create spaces for the interaction between the liberal and the ‘local’ within forms of ‘hybrid peace’ or ‘hybrid peacebuilding’]]>
<![CDATA[China Versus Amerika Serikat: Interpretasi Rivalitas Keamanan Negara Adidaya Di Kawasan Asia Pasifik ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Najeri Al Syahrin]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 1 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.1.2018.145-163
<![CDATA[ Tulisan ini berupaya menggali makna isu rivalitas keamanan yang saat ini berlangsung antara negara adidaya Amerika Serikat dengan China di kawasan Asia Pasifik. Dengan kebangkitan China, hubungan Sino-AS telah menjadi semakin penting bagi stabilitas keamanan Asia Pasifik. Rivalitas keamanan yang terjadi antara kedua negara tersebut semacam ‘ritual lama’ yang kini diulang oleh ‘jamaah baru’. Kontestasi politik dan keamanan yang sudah usai dengan berakhirnya Perang Dingin, secara langsung belum mampu menjadikan Amerika Serikat sebagai negara adidaya tunggal dan secara sepihak mampu terus menerus melakukan kontrol dinamika politik dunia. Hadirnya China memberikan alternatif dalam interaksi keamanan regional Asia Pasifik. Inisiasi strategi China dan respon aktif Amerika Serikat akan menentukan lanskap keamanan Asia Pasifik dalam beberapa dekade mendatang. Didorong oleh kebangkitan China tersebut, identitas China kini telah bergeser menjadi kekuatan besar yang intimidatif. Disatu sisi ia menjadi ancaman bagi kepentingan keamanan kawasan AS, disisi lain China juga hadir sebagai kompetitor dalam kepentingan ekonomi AS.Kata-kata kunci: Rivalitas keamanan, negara adidaya, Amerika Serikat dan China. kawasan Asia Pasifik. ]]>
<![CDATA[Pink Globalization: Hello Kitty sebagai Instrumen Soft-Diplomacy Jepang ]]>
<![CDATA[Najamuddin Khairur Rijal]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 1 (2017): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.11.1.2017.1-14
<![CDATA[Pink globalization merujuk pada istilah untuk menggambarkan popularitas internasional Hello Kitty melalui penyebaran berbagai jenis produk berlabel Hello Kitty yang kawaii dari Jepang sebagai bagian dari dunia industri. Popularitas Hello Kitty tersebut merupakan soft-power yang memberikan kekuatan nasional tersendiri Jepang. Jepang kemudian menjadikan Hello Kitty sebagai instrumen soft-diplomacy sebagai upaya meningkatkan citra pariwisata dan menarik wisatawan untuk berkunjung ke Jepang. Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana Jepang menggunakan Hello Kitty sebagai instrumen soft-diplomacy dan bagaimana produk budaya pop Jepang berupa manga dan anime dapat menjadi kekuatan nasional. Tulisan ini berpendapat bahwa penggunaan Hello Kitty secara khusus, dan berbagai produk budaya pop berupa manga dan anime secara umum, mampu meningkatkan citra pariwisata Jepang dan membangun citra positif tentang Jepang serta memberikan keuntungan ekonomi bagi Jepang yang ditandai dengan lahirnya istilah Cool Japan dan Gross National Cool.]]>
<![CDATA[30 Respons Pemerintah Lokal terhadap Ancaman Terorisme Global: Kasus ISIS di Kota Malang ]]>
<![CDATA[Najamuddin Khairur Rijal]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 1 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.1.2016.30-54
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai bagaimana pemerintah lokal, dalam hal ini Pemerintah Kota Malang, merespons ancaman terorisme global Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Hasil penelitian lapangan ini menemukan bahwa dalam merespons ancaman ISIS, Pemkot Malang mengintegrasikan pendekatan persuasif dan represif. Pendekatan persuasif dilakukan dengan berbagai bentuk sosialisasi kepada masyarakat. Adapun pendekatan represif dengan melakukan penangkapan terhadap anggota ISIS yang telah terbukti melakukan tindak pidana berupa makar. Selanjutnya, dalam merespons ISIS, aktor publik di berbagai level dan aktor privat saling sinergis yang menunjukkan implementasi dari model hybrid security governance. Hybrid security governance tersebut sejalan dengan konsepsi local governance bahwa ancaman ISIS tidak dapat diselesaikan sendiri oleh pemerintah (aktor publik) sehingga membutuhkan keterlibatan aktor privat. Selain itu, respons tersebut sejalan dengan sikap pemerintah di level lebih tinggi yang menunjukkan the whole-of-government approach dan comprehensive approach dalam merespons ISIS sebagai ancaman bagi perdamaian dan keamanan dunia.]]>
<![CDATA[Lessons Learned from Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Libya ]]>
<![CDATA[Fadhila Inas Pratiwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 2 (2017): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.11.2.2017.97-107
<![CDATA[As a new principle in the world, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an obligation on the part of the international community and on the part of the states to protect civilians from mass atrocities by doing several actions like giving international aids, reducing poverty, supporting peacebuilding, educating the population, until military intervention. However, military intervention under R2P norm in Libya produce a counterproductive result which then led the country into civil war. From this background, therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the implementation of R2P in Libya into four types of lessons learned. The first lesson, R2P is corrupted by great powers that make the military intervention far from its mandate. The second lesson is the inconsistency practice from an R2P military intervention which led to the question of credibility of military intervention in Libya. The third lesson is diplomacy must be prioritized rather than military intervention since that there is an R2P success story without military intervention. The last is the recommendation to implement Responsibility while Protecting (RWP) principle in the R2P framework.Keywords: Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Libya, Diplomacy, Military Intervention, Responsibility while Protecting ]]>
<![CDATA[Isu Laut Tiongkok Selatan: Negara-negara ASEAN Terbelah Menghadapi Tiongkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Lady Mahendra]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 12 No. 1 (2018): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.12.1.2018.79-100
<![CDATA[This paper aims to analyze the strategies of each ASEAN member states towards China related to the dispute in the South China Sea (SCS). SCS area is becoming a platform of power competition between China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei. Five parties mentioned above are competing over sovereignty in certain areas of the SCS. SCS area became interesting to certain parties, considering its strategic value for expansive policy. In the contemporary era, the rise of this conflict perceived as a problem which caused by shifting balance of power, that happened when the U.S. sought to preserve its unilateral moment after the end of cold war. This lead to vacuum of power situation in the Southeast Asia, thus encourage China to build up presence in the dispute area. Even though there are only four ASEAN countries that directly involved, however the adoption of the Declaration on the SCS by all ASEAN member countries, asserted that in this case ASEAN is standing together to show their objections of China’s aggressiveness. With structural realism perspective as the analysis tool, tendencies of ASEAN member states’ different strategies are understandable by the explanation about motives behind it. Which Philippines and Vietnam tend to leaning towards balancing strategy against China. Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar indicate towards bandwagoning strategy with China, while the rest of the members did not show tendencies of leaning either ways.]]>
<![CDATA[Sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan: Ancaman Bagi Komunitas Keamanan ASEAN? ]]>
<![CDATA[Agus Haryanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 2 (2015): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.9.2.2015.277-296
<![CDATA[Perbedaan sikap diantara negara ASEAN seringkali disebut sebagai titik kegagalan pembentukan Komunitas Keamanan. Tulisan ini menelaah lebih jauh mengenai komponen pembentuk Komunitas Keamanan dalam konteks sengketa LTS. Menggunakan argument Karl Deutch yang menyatakan ada tiga hal yang perlu diperhatikan dalam membentuk masyarakat keamanan, yaitu (1) para pembuat kebijakan dan masyarakat berhenti merenungkan kemungkinan perang (2) negara berhenti mengalokasikan sumber daya untuk membangun kemampuan militer yang ditujukan kepada negara lain dan (3) ada penerimaan dan kepatuhan yang ketat terhadap aturan-aturan dan perjanjian tertentu bila tujuan kolektif unit-unit tidak selaras. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa ketiga komponen pembentuk Komunitas Keamanan terganggu ketika ASEAN menghadapi sengketa LTS. Pertama, mengganggu upaya penyebaran norma-norma ASEAN. Kedua, mengganggu upaya mekanisme pencegahan konflik. Ketiga, menghambat ikatan kepercayaan diantara anggota ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[International Business Strategy in Selling Korean Pop Music: A Case Study of SM Entertainment ]]>
<![CDATA[Annisa Pratamasari]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 10 No. 2 (2016): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.10.2.2016.221-234
<![CDATA[In this paper, I argue that some entertainment companies of South Korea offer a distinctive business strategy in this globalized world; thus, they can widen their market share, increase profits, and sharpen their competitive edge. SM Entertainment,which is one of the Hallyu Wave pioneers in music industry, has showed its distinct way to succeed in the currently saturated market of idol groups in South Korea. Choosing Hallyu Wave from international business perspective as the main topic of this writing was due to its increasing importance in music industry and its growing influence in South Korean government policies. Therefore, I shall descriptively address the strategies formulated by SM Entertainment to compete in the domestic and international music industry from its way to groom their idol groups to its way to ‘sell’ them.This paper offers some business strategies of SM Entertainment of which some other companies could learn from; namely the distinct traineeship system, successful B2C strategy, and profitable B2B cooperation.]]>
