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<![CDATA[Conflict and Violence against Women and Girls: Gender-based Violence and the Boko Haram in Nigeria ]]>
<![CDATA[Yang, Mok Shen]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 02 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1934
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTIn October 2000, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 in which sexual violence was framed as a legitimate international peace and security issue. It brings to light the gender-dimension associated with problems faced by women and girls in time of armed conflict, especially with regards to the use of rape as a weapon of war. As the nature of war and armed conflict over the last two decades has shifted from predominantly inter-state to intra-state, this paper aims to provide another perspective to understanding violence against women in armed conflict at a domestic rather than international level. This paper focuses on the case of Boko Haram’s violence against women and girls in Nigeria, which was especially underscored by its kidnapping of the Chibok schoolgirls in 2014 that drew widespread outrage both locally and internationally. It explores how economic deprivation, institutional failures and culturally-institutionalised norms of Nigerian society goes hand-in-hand with Boko Haram’s anti-Western and anti-Christian ideology, alongside its changing operation tactics, in perpetuating violence against women and girls.Keywords: Sexual Violence, Armed Conflict, Boko Haram, Nigeria, Chibok Schoolgirls' KidnappingDOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1934]]>
<![CDATA[PENGARUH PERJANJIAN COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC AND TRADE AGREEMENT (CETA) OLEH UNI EROPA DAN KANADA TERHADAP EKONOMI POLITIK INTERNAL NEGARA EROPA ]]>
<![CDATA[Khusaidah, Nisa'atin]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 6, No 01 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v6i01.1881
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTCETA has a great influence in the economic progress of European countries, especially in the free trade flow between countries in the world. The removal of large-scale barriers between the EU and Canada has become an important point in this agreement. On the other hand, the CETA is considered a challenge in the politics of European countries because in reality not all European societies give full support to CETA because it is perceived to only provide the economic decline of European countries and is considered to be only going into the same hole, given the Union Europe, which has also had economic cooperation with other countries and not produce results. The EU is perceived as too closed in every process of agreement making and even less involving the aspirations of other European societies.Keywords: EU, Canada, Donald Trump, CETA, Economy PoliticsDOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v6i01.1881]]>
<![CDATA[Model Negara Menurut Perspektif Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia dan Syiah Imamiyah di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Zamzamy, Ahmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 02 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1935
<![CDATA[After the reform of 1998, the group Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia and the Shia Imami growing rapidly in Indonesia. Both groups have a controversy in Indonesian society. In addition to theological factors, both groups perceived to have an agenda to establish a state in Indonesia. This study also explores methods of how both groups realize his ideals. Hizb ut-Tahrir has idealism to replace the nation-state system and establish a caliphate and by means of non-violence. While the Shia Imami has idealistic state model Wilayatul faqih, but in the context of Indonesia, the Shia Imami has no agenda to establish a model of the country. There are fundamental differences between these two groups on the state model. Therefore there are different steps to realize these ideals. This study was conducted using qualitative descriptive data collecting literature and interviews with relevant parties.Kata-Kata Kunci: Hizbut Tahrir, Syiah Imamiyah, Model NegaraDOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1935]]>
<![CDATA[Efektifitas Program LIFE (Literacy Initiative For Empowerment) UNESCO Dalam Meningkatkan Human Development Index Republik Niger Tahun 2006–2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pradika, Oktavia Rizki]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 5, No 02 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v5i02.1891
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTThe Literacy Initiative For Empowerment (LIFE) is a UNESCO framework set up to help increase literacy rates in 35 countries. The LIFE framework was born to achieve some of the goals set out in EFA (Education For All), Dakar in 2000. Dakar Goals 3 on meeting the learning needs of young and mature people, Dakar Goals 4 refers to an increase in adult literacy rates by up to 50% , and Dakar Goals 5 that fought for equal rights between men and women in education. Using concepts and theories about social welfare in the context of development of the state and human resources, this study focuses on proving the effectiveness of LIFE in enhancing human development of the Republic of Niger. Through explanative research method, this research yields data finding that LIFE framework is considered effective in improving human development index. Human development index is used to measure the quality of human resources ranging from knowledge through the level of literacy, life expectancy through population ratio, and quality of life standards that can be measured through GNI or income per capita.Keywords: LIFE, Republic of Niger, Literacy, Human DevelopmentDOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v5i02.1891]]>
<![CDATA[Whither Multilateral Negotiation? China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea Dispute ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramadhani, Eryan]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 02 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v4i02.1909
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTThis paper aims to examine the factors driving China’s rejection of multilateral negotiation to achieve dispute settlement in the South China Sea. China was a relatively closed country striving for internal stability during the leadership of Mao Zedong. The new era for China to engage the world came true after Deng Xiaoping made a history by opening up his country in the late 1970s. From that moment onward, China has been actively involved in varying cooperation both bilaterally and multilaterally. The partners with which China eagerly strengthens its relationship are the neighbors in Southeast Asia. Engagement with the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was one of China’s most fateful breaktrhough in the early 1990s, following the sanction imposed by the Western world due to the Tiananmen outbreak in 1989. China-ASEAN relationship has been thriving by leaps and bounds ever since. The South China Sea dispute putting China against Southeast Asian claimants, however, dims the good prospect of better relationship in the future. China’s assertive behavior in dealing with the dispute tarnishes the good image China has been portraying in the last two decades. Adding to such contradiction, China casts aside multilateral talks ASEAN members opt for. Instead, China compels the use of bilateral negotiation to be held between China and each claimant. This paper identifies three factors contributing to China’s preference of bilateral over multilateral negotiation: the apprehension about third party’s infiltration (i.e. the US), the concern over bargaining power, and the non-negotiable position in territorial sovereignty issue.Keywords: China, ASEAN, South China Sea dispute, multilateral negotiationDOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v4i02.1909]]>
<![CDATA[Regional Free Trade Agreement as the form of ‘New Regionalism’ in Asia Pacific: Geo-Politic and Geo-Economic Aspect of ASEAN Centrality ]]>
<![CDATA[Purbantina, Adiasri Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 02 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1937
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTWhile most of the theories of regionalism give more focus on the study of regional institutions (neo-liberal institutionalism approach), or on the identity aspect of regionalism (constructivist approach), regionalism can also be analyzed under the international political economy (IPE) framework. Kevin G Chai in his book, The Politics of Economic Regionalism, uses (IPE) theory to analyses the regional economic integration in East Asia. The increasing number of regional FTAs as the new form of regionalism is basically driven by strategic interest, such as economy and politics. This paper seeks to explain the ‘new regionalism’ in Asia Pacific (the noodle bowl of FTAs), by understanding the geo-political and geo-economic aspects of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). There are two main arguments here: 1) under the ‘new regionalism’, the driving force of this regional FTAs is not regional identity but geo-politic and geo-economic value of particular region; 2) The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) can be viewed as the form of dependency to the geo-economy and geo-politics interests of the major economy powers in Asia Pacific region.The main section for this paper is divided into four parts. The first one is the history of new regionalism and the IPE theoretical approach. The second one is the dynamics of economic regionalism process in Asia Pacific region. The third one is the geo-political and geo-economic aspects of ASEAN for Asia Pacific Regionalism frameworks.Keywords: New Regionalism, Economic Regionalism, Geo-political, Geo-economyDOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1937]]>
<![CDATA[EARTH HOUR DARI WWF SEBAGAI SIMBOL GLOBAL MOVEMENT TERHADAP PERUBAHAN IKLIM DUNIA OLEH INGO ]]>
<![CDATA[Kannaby, Ahmad Haibat]]>;
<![CDATA[Saadah, Kholifatus]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 6, No 02 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v6i02.1820
<![CDATA[This paper focuses on the efforts of the International Non-Gorvernmental Organization (INGO) in overcoming the environmental problems exist in the world. Nowadays, the environmental aspect has received less attention from the state and International Governmental Organization (IGO), this happens because many restrictions owned by one country to other countries are sometimes different in addressing environmental problems. Countries also have different interests in harnessing energy that contributes to environmental damage such as fossil fuels and coal. Renewable energy is considered as expensive and unfavorable technology in terms of financial. The presence of INGO as international relations actor who sees that environmental and natural sustainability is something that is crucial and must be maintained properly, so INGO continuously takes the place in the programs which can create public awareness that the environment must be prioritized. Princen & Finger (1994) explains that there are three things that make INGOs can change the roles related to environmental problems, first is from the institution and the strength of the international structure to the process, the second is from education to strategic interaction, and the last is from the reactive function of INGO to INGO's transformative effects in the global political economy. Keywords: global movement, environment, energy, public awareness, INGODOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v6i02.1820]]>
<![CDATA[Makna Strategis Selat Lombok dan Perkembangannya Sebagai Jalur Pelayaran Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Rustam, Ismah]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 6, No 01 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v6i01.1884
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTAs an island nation that connects two oceans, Indonesia has several important choke points scattered in several points including the Malacca Strait, Sunda Strait, Lombok Strait and Makassar Strait. Lombok Strait is one of the international trade routes and the southern entrance for the shipping of ships from various countries. In addition, this strait has more privileges for storing the wealth of marine biota and tourism economic resources are quite manageable. The strategic significance of the Lombok Strait encourages the government to make appropriate policies regarding regulation and utilization. Given the Lombok Strait has a strategic meaning also for major countries such as Australia, China and the United States. Indonesia should be able to protect its economic, political and security interests within its sovereign territory. This paper will examine the challenges and opportunities faced by the Indonesian government on the Lombok Strait as an international shipping lane and how the current security system of the Lombok Strait. In addition, we will discuss the application of Particularly Sensitive Sea Area (PSSA) idea in providing special protection and plan to arrange international shipping line with Traffic Separation Scheme in Lombok Strait.Keywords: Lombok Strait, International Shipping, Indonesia, ocean securityDOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v6i01.1884]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Indikasi Geografis Warisan Budaya Tradisional dalam Konteks Keju Serrano di Brazil ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmadini, Rizki]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 3, No 02 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1936
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTGeographical Indication (GI) is one of Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs)’ working areas. Various products registered as Geographical Indication (GI) could be found in many developed countries because since 100 years ago, their farmers have respected the relation between traditional products and place where those products were originated. However, the same thing has not done by farmers in developing countries, thus only few of their traditional products which have been registered as GI to obtain legal protection. In fact, regarding of the developing countries’ geographic potentials, if they could realize the high economic value of products produced from such geographical potentials, they will be benefitted by the existence of GI. Theoretically, TRIPs is profitable if countries could maximize the role of TRIPs. TRIPs’ role is not only considered from how the legal protection of TRIPs could avoid losses caused by criminal act, but also from how TRIPs could add the value of those products to put them in the best prices. However, practically, the role of TRIPs is still controversial in developing countries because they are still upholding their traditional cultural values, while the intellectual property rights tend to be related with the use of modern technologies. One form of such controversies could be seen in the context of Serrano Cheese in Brazil, which shows how GI affects the traditional cultural heritage of indigenous people.Keywords: Geographical Indication, TRIPs, Serrano CheeseDOI:https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v3i02.1936]]>
<![CDATA[Faktor-Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Permintaan Impor Tekstil dan produk Tekstil (TPT) China di Jawa Timur Terkait ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACAFTA) Tahun 2010-2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Muliawati, Riski]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 4, No 01 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v4i01.1928
<![CDATA[ABSTRACTThis study examines the factors that influence the demand for the imports of the textiles and textile products (TPT) from China in the East Java, Indonesia. This research is based on the implementation of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), applied to the ASEAN members and China. The implementation of tariff exemption between ASEAN-6 and China under the ACFTA, entered into force in 2010. The tariff exemption is being imposed to some of the TPT products under the category of Normal Track that affected the demand for Chinese textile imports in the East Java. The main problems to be discussed on this study are the factors that influence the demand for Chinese textile imports in East Java in regards to the ACFTA. This study uses the theory of the Free Trade Area (FTA), consumption theory, the theory of aggregate demand, business strategy, pricing strategy, the strategy of imitation, and the concept of imports. Based on the findings of the research, this research concludes that the factors affecting the demand for Chinese textile imports in East Java are divided into the external factors and internal factors. The External factors is the impact of the tariff-free implementation of ACFTA and the business strategies of China. While the internal factors comes from the purchasing power of the East Java, which can be observed through factors such as the prices, consumption, and average incomes.Keywords: ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), business strategy, import demand, TPT East JavaDOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v4i01.1928]]>
