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Evaluating 4 years of Jokowi Sea Toll Policy: The concept of Indonesia-Centric connectivity for economic equality Kurniawati Sa'adah; Probo Darono Yakti; Siti R. Susanto
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 32 No. 3 (2019): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Indonesia categorised as a middle economy country according to the global economic standard. The government launched the World Maritime Fulcrum as a grand strategy or doctrine that alters the development paradigm from land-based to maritime-based. This paper will discuss the policies on which the Joko Widodo (Jokowi) Sea Toll Road as connectivity with the T3P (frontier, outermost, and remote) area can support the price disparity as a form of social justice. It was reviewed using connectivity, the political economy, and economic growth theory. The author used a qualitative method to analyse the problem in addition to paper-based research. In the beginning, the background of the Sea Toll policy will be discussed, alongside the presentation of the research questions and thesis responses. At the same time, the study will include how previous studies have looked at this issue. Only then will it move on to the next chapter, which discusses conceptual connectivity, political economy and economic growth. Furthermore, the policy development from the Archipelago Belt and Nusantara Pendulum through to the Sea Toll Road will be discussed. Massive budgetary costs and empty returning freight costs will be discussed as well. After that, we will discuss the sea highway route and then the evaluation. From this arrangement, it was finally resulted and concluded that the Sea Toll has been on the right path to reach its goal, which removed price disparities involving many records being continually updated by the government and all stakeholders including those in the business world. The importance of our research is how to discuss the Sea Toll over the past four years and how to request assistance and efficiency within this concept realise social justice. Thus, it can be put out as a reference for reviewers in the field of maritime and logistics.

Poros Maritim Dunia Sebagai Pendekatan Strategi Maritim Indonesia: Antara Perubahan Atau Kesinambungan Strategi? Probo Darono Yakti; Joko Susanto
Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 2 (2017): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

As a nation-state located in a cross-position, Indonesia proposes a maritime strategy approach in the form of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). To some extent, GMF introduces an advanced concept from the previous maritime strategy. Therefore this explanative research will explore further about concepts related to change or continuity, related to the maritime strategy of Indonesia in the previous periods before GMF. Based on field data, this research found a number of facts that concludes GMF to some extent is a change from previous maritime strategy. Moreover, the debate of Indonesia’s geographical position could be interpreted as a response against threats which already exists. Thus this condition experienced a shift due to the dynamics of international politics. This qualitative research also conducts that GMF is a value which inherited from previous administration to further adapt on contemporary situations. Thus in general these findings indicate that GMF is a change from the previous maritime strategy.

Dinamika Sekuritisasi Isu Keamanan dalam Perkembangan Industri PSMC Afrika Selatan vis-a-vis Regulasi Pembatasan Pemerintah Akhmad Hani Nadif; Probo Darono Yakti
Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Vol 5 No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Jayapangus Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37329/ganaya.v5i2.1502

This reaserach is about the 1998 RFMA Act and the establishment of a new PSMC company namely STTEPI in 2006. In 1989, South Africa experienced a period of emergency due to a major event that caused political instability in South Africa and its surroundings. The apartheid government carried out securitization to overcome these problems by establishing a security agency that took coercive actions on the security of the state and the ruling regime. After the process of transition of power, a new government was applied to the PSMC. On the other hand, in 2006 a new PSMC company was established. The research aims to answer the question how can the formation of bodies and restrictions that limit PSMC's movements, the PSMC industry continue to develop? In answering, concepts such as: (1) securitization are used to explain the emergence of the PSMC industry in South Africa; and (2) the concept of power; as well as (3) the national political image to describe the PSMC-government relationship which was analyzed using qualitative-descriptive methods from literature studies on primary sources from the government and secondary sources from scientific journal articles and news. It was found that in the application of regulations, the NCACC and PSIRA indicated that there were gaps in operating permits and having permits. There is interference from the PSMC in the government agency. This is compounded by the weaknesses of regulations which in their application are indicated to be poorly enforced. This study resulted in a conclusion that there was a complex relationship between industrial defense (PSMC) and the South African government due to major political changes and instability in regional political and security conditions that were used in omission actions in order to make losses and maximize opportunities for the country's economic interests

The 1994 Hutu and Tutsi Ethnopolitics Conflict in Rwanda: Genocide Revenge Settlement Through the Gacaca Reconciliation System Probo Darono Yakti
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787

The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.

Pertahanan dan Keamanan di Selat Malaka Terhadap Meningkatnya Tren Piracy dan Konsistensi Kebijakan Publik serta Konsesi Wilayah Litoral State Probo Darono Yakti
Gema Keadilan Vol 4, No 1 (2017): Gema Keadilan
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Diponegoro

Hadirnya pembajakan di Selat Malaka bukan merupakan hal yang baru. Orang laut merupakan sekumpulan perompak yang tunduk atas nama negara sebagai privateer pada masa Kerajaan Melayu. Kehadirannya resmi dan mendistribusikan ‘pajak’ lewat kapal-kapal niaga untuk dibagi hasil dengan negara sebagai otoritas tertinggi. Saat ini eksistensi pembajakan di Selat Malaka dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang bernada negatif, hal ini mengingat Selat Malaka merupakan sea line of communication terpenting di dunia yang menghubungkan pelayaran dari Samudra Hindia ke Samudra Pasifik begitu pula sebaliknya. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang bertanggung jawab di atasnya masih menemukan formulasi yang tepat bagaimana mengatasi persoalan ini. Mulai dari pembentukan instrumen hukum di dalam negeri, implementasi dari hukum, hingga kerangka kerja sama dengan negara tetangga. Tiga elemen penting ini kemudian mendapatkan hambatan dan tantangan dari persoalan domestik seperti kurangnya efektivitas akibat banyaknya stakeholder yang berkepentingan dalam kebijakan penegakan hukum di atas laut terhadap para pembajak. Kehadiran Bakamla beserta TNI-AL dan Polair dapat menjadi contoh, betapa pemerintah belum bisa membagi tugas siapa penegak hukum di atas perairan, patroli rutin, dan fungsi angkatan laut sebagai blue-water navy. Untuk itu masuknya Indonesia dalam kerja sama patroli ReCAAP dan ASEAN Maritime Forum adalah dua dari beberapa opsi yang dapat ditempuh Indonesia untuk menegakkan kedaulatan di atas perairan dan memandu Indonesia untuk meraih visi kejayaan maritim di bawah Presiden Joko Widodo, PorosMaritim Dunia.Kata kunci: Pembajakan, Poros Maritm, Pertahanan dan Keamanan, ReCAAP, ASEAN Maritime For um.

TNI Angkatan Laut sebagai World Class Navy pada Strategi Pertahanan Indonesia dalam Mewujudkan Poros Maritim Dunia Probo Darono Yakti
Gema Keadilan Vol 4, No 1 (2017): Gema Keadilan
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Diponegoro

Visi pemerintahan Presiden Jokowi untuk menjadikan Indonesia sebagai Poros Maritim Dunia, menegaskan Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Nasional (RPJMN) bergeser dari landoriented menjadi sea-oriented. Pertahanan dan keamanan laut menjadi sumbu utama yang ditopang dengan keberadaan Tentara Nasional Indonesia Angkatan Laut (TNI -AL). Jauh sebelum deklarasi Indonesia sebagai Poros Maritim Dunia, ternyata TNI-AL lebih dahulu mengeluarkan doktrin World Class Navy. Dalam mewujudkannya, TNI-AL harus mencapai Minimum Essential Force (MEF), untuk mewujudkan tentara yang profesional dengan dilengkapi alat utama sistem pertahanan (alutsista). Hal ini menggariskan beragam permasalahan yang harus dihadapi Indonesia khususnya yang dialami TNI-AL. Meskipun anggaran pertahanan menempati porsi APBN tertinggi, namun Indonesia masih jauh dari indikator pertahanan laut yang memadai. Dalam teori strategi kemaritiman, terdapat dua tokoh pemikiran klasik: Alfred Mahan dan Julian Corbett. Keduanya menjadi acuan pencapaian Indonesia dalam strategi militer, mengingat posisi Indonesia berada di persilangan dua benuadan samudera. Indonesia dapat menerapkan sea control sebagai efektivitas penguasaan jalurjalur perdagangan yang saat ini dikuasai negara kecil seperti Singapura. Atau bisa ditilik dari segi sea power, yang mengategorikan angkatan laut berdasarkan cakupan wilayahnya: brown, green, dan blue water navy. Saat ini TNI-AL masih merupakan green water navy, dengan kapabilitas hanya sebagai alat pengaman pantai saja. Problemnya kemudian adalah kesiapan TNI-AL dalam mengiringi langkah pemerintah dalam mewujudkan poros maritim dunia. Yang terakhir memberikan saran perwujudan World Class Navy mulai dari serapan anggaran yang tinggi untuk fokus peningkatan alutsista dan pengembangan kemampuan serta peningkatan kesejahteraan prajurit AL. Mengingat berbagai aspek memang perlu diperhatikan, alih-alih untuk mewujudkan visi besar Indonesia sebagai Poros Maritim Dunia.

Perspektif Sosiokultural Nelayan Kedung Cowek Terhadap Pandemi Covid-19 di Surabaya Praja Firdaus Nuryananda; Probo Darono Yakti; Wulan Anggit Utami
Jurnal Kebijakan Sosial Ekonomi Kelautan dan Perikanan Vol 12, No 2 (2022): Desember 2022
Publisher : Balai Besar Riset Sosial Ekonomi Kelautan dan Perikanan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15578/jksekp.v12i2.11038

Selepas periode puncak pandemi Covid-19, pemerintah menghimbau masyarakat untuk segera kembali pada kehidupan normal dalam rangka percepatan pemulihan ekonomi pasca pandemi. Himbauan dikeluarkan menyusul masa-masa sulit di mana selama 1,5 tahun pergerakan masyarakat terkendala oleh kebijakan pemerintah yang membatasi kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial. Dengan aktivitas sosial dan ekonomi yang sangat masif di masa normal dan karenanya mengalami tekanan yang signifikan pada masa pandemi, kasus komunitas nelayan Kedung Cowek di Kota Surabaya memberi pelajaran baik untuk penerapan kebijakan serupa di masa yang akan datang. Dengan latar belakang tersebut, penelitian bertujuan menganalisis situasi kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat pesisir Kedung Cowek terkait dengan pandemi dilihat dari perpektif sosiokultural. Penelitian dilakukan pada tahun 2021 menggunakan metodologi kualitatif, yang menerapkan analisis data etnografi dan mengacu pada kerangka pemikiran trinitas strategi Carl von Clausewitz dan etnografi baru James Spradley. Data diperoleh melalui wawancara mendalam dengan tokoh masyarakat yang terdiri atas pejabat pemerintah kelurahan, komunitas nelayan, dan masyarakat umum di lokasi penelitian. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa: (1) pandemi tidak mengubah cara pandang dan perilaku masyarakat nelayan terkait ekonomi dan lingkungan; nelayan tetap melaut meskipun ada himbauan pembatasan, (2) terjadi fenomena resistensi masyarakat terhadap himbauan pembatasan kegiatan terkait pandemi Covid-19, dan (3) masyarakat nelayan memiliki resiliensi sosiokultural yang menyebabkan pandemi tidak terpengaruh secara fundamental. Implikasi kebijakan dari penelitian ini pentingnya memandang perpektif sosiokultural masyarakat sebagai sebuah aspek penting yang karenanya perlu diakomodasikan sebagai salah satu konsideran utama dalam penerapan kebijakan terkait kondisi kebencanaan seperti terjadi pada masa pandemi Covid-19. Tittle: Sociocultural Perspective of Fishermen Community in Kedung Cowek on Covid-19 Pandemic In Surabaya The COVID-19 pandemic has become a new challenge for businesses and communities around the world. In particular, the community is encouraged to resume their activities to support the post-pandemic economic recovery program. This advisory was issued after almost one and a half years the community was asked to limit many activities, especially economic and social activities. Kedung Cowek fishermen in Surabaya City are an example of a fishing community facing post-pandemic socioeconomic recovery. This study aims to 1) describe the economic activities of coastal communities during a pandemic and 2) their interactions with market traders during a pandemic. This study uses a qualitative methodology by analyzing ethnographic data taken from primary data sources through in-depth interviews with community leaders consisting of village government officials, fishing communities and the general public in Kedung Cowek Village. The analysis was carried out using the strategic trinity framework by Carl von Clausewitz and the new ethnography by James Spradley. This research was conducted in 2021 in Kedung Cowek Village, Surabaya City, as the center of the fishing community in Surabaya City. The results of this study found that (1) the pandemic did not change the perspective and behavior of the fishing village community towards the economy, as well as environmental cleanliness so that they continued to go to sea despite the call for restrictions and (2) there is a phenomenon of community resistance to the call for restrictions on activities related to the COVID-19 pandemic which is indicated by the characteristics of fishing communities who have sociocultural resilience so that they are not fundamentally affected. This case study leads to the conclusion that COVID-19 does not have a significant influence on the social behavior of the fishing community in Kedung Cowek Village in Surabaya.

The Effectiveness of the Regional Governance of the EU through EASA in its Grounding Boeing 737 MAX Decision on Member Countries Probo Darono Yakti
WIMAYA Vol. 3 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : UNIVERSITAS PEMBANGUNAN NASIONAL VETERAN JAWA TIMUR

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

This paper will discuss the effectiveness of the European Union (EU) within the framework of regional governance to recommend a grounding policy for Boeing 737 MAX 8 to countries that are members of the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA). Through the EU's regional governance approach, this paper will fully elaborate on the domino effect of the recommendations on member countries. Previously, we will discuss the background, the regional governance currently underway in the EU, the chronology of the incident of the accident of two airlines B737-8 aircraft that are outside of EASA and the EASA response in the form of US product grounding recommendations, and then the state response member countries against EASA recommendations. So, in the end, it can be concluded that EASA gets 50 percent effectiveness because the distance between the event and the recommendations issued is considered too hasty so the joining of member countries with EU attitudes generally does not run simultaneously. The importance of this research is to try to test the effectiveness of regional organizations in administering governance through agencies that stand under it.

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