Articles
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy: Problems and Challenges ]]>
<![CDATA[Madu, Ludiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71121
<![CDATA[This paper explains the recent development of Indonesia’s digital diplomacy—which Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has conducted—in responding to the growing challenges of information, communication, and technology (ICT) towards its national interest. The use of the internet and its social media has definitely changed the practices of diplomacy among sovereign states, including Indonesia. Analyzing the issue within the interplay between internet and diplomacy, this paper looks at the way Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats have kept up with the rapid development of the ICT by mastering the use of internet in winning people’s hearts and minds. Tracing back the MOFA’s policies and implementations of digital diplomacy through its website and other platforms of social media reveals its strong commitment in using digital diplomacy in managing its foreign relations in the recent internet era. Digital diplomacy has presented several benefits for having direct and interactive communication with foreign audiences. In addition, Indonesia’s digital diplomacy has also had to deal with various problems which are closely related to the increasing use of internet among states and non-state actors—both in domestic and international levels—which may put risk to state-to-state relations. Therefore, this paper argues that the response of Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats towards the increasing use of digital diplomacy would determine its capability in managing various problems and challenges of international relations in the recent internet era.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelembagaan Regional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Madu, Ludiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0084.40-49
<![CDATA[Institutionalization of non-traditional issues has become new phenomenon for ASEAN, including those related to human rights in the form of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). While its instutionalization has been one of ASEAN’s achievements for its sensitive characters, the AICHR also revealed several complexities. The first problem is related to ASEAN’s further attempts for boosting regional cooperation on human rights among its member states. Diversified political system of ASEAN’s states is deemed as its obstacle. The second refers to regional architecture of ASEAN which is prone to be loosely structured and more focussed on economic development and regional political stability. This paper seeks to explain dynamics among ASEAN’s member states in institutionalizing human rights issues. AICHR has been one of the most successful ASEAN’s achievements in managing non-traditional issues and promoting participation of non-state actors in this region. In doing so, this paper also shows tug-of-war between regional and national interests in the process of formulating regional regime on human rights in ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[Media business and political business: The Struggle for power towards the 2014 Presidential election in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Vol 14, No 3 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Univeritas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.31315/jik.v14i3.2131
<![CDATA[The 2014 presidential election has interestingly attracted the interest of several business people to participate in the struggle for presidential power in Indonesia. Jusuf Kalla, Aburizal Bakrie, Harry Tanusudibyo, and Surya Paloh are the examples of those business people who will potentially run for the 2014 presidential candidacy. This paper assumes that the increasing interest of business people in politics is due to the failure of post-1998 democratization in effecting new regulations for the involvement of business people in the political arena. While recent democratization has not allowed the participation of military personnel in politics, the post-1998 democratic structure has built new political opportunity for business people to become politicians. With special reference to Indonesia’s big business in media, this paper seeks to scrutinize the nexus between big business and politicians in their efforts to dominate the media be it printed, electronic, and online. Using the approach of the link between business and democracy, this development points to the formation of political and media oligarchies which have centered around certain business individuals and politicians as the preparation for their involvement in the 2014 presidential election. Additionally, analysis on the previous 2004 and 2009 presidential elections are of importance as well in providing the continuation and break-up of coalition patterns among big businesses or conglomerates and politicians. Finally, this paper argues that democratization has increased political opportunity for big businesses in using their media control and ownership for building coalitions with politicians in their quest to capture power in the 2014 presidential elections in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA PENINGKATAN DIPLOMASI PUBLIK INDONESIA DI NEGARA-NEGARA ASEAN MELALUI BEASISWA SENI DAN BUDAYA INDONESIA (BSBI) ]]>
<![CDATA[Lee Win Yew]]>;
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 10, No 2 (2018): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v10i2.2591
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes how Indonesian Art and Culture Scholarship (IACS) becomesan instrument to improve Indonesian public diplomacy in ASEAN. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia has organized the IACSprogram since 2003. Starting from the ASEAN Community’s ratificationprogram in 2015, Indonesia must adjust its public diplomacy in ASEANregion. This paper applies concept of public diplomacy to look atvariousefforts to improve Indonesian public diplomacy in ASEAN and national interest to analyze why Indonesia uses public diplomacy in achieving Indonesia's national interests. By organizing the IACSprogram, Indonesia has purposeto introducing Indonesian art and culture to the people of ASEAN countries so that it can improve its public diplomacy and encounternew challenges from the ASEAN Community.]]>
<![CDATA[Defence Diplomacy Between Indonesia And South Korea: An Indonesia Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 7, No 2 (2015): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v7i2.1793
<![CDATA[Defense diplomacy has significantly remarked a new phase of bilateral cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea. The improvement of Indonesia and South Korea cooperation in this new area actually reflects their shared interests towards regional dynamic in Asia. Recent development shows the presence of the US military in the region ---through the US rebalance--- and military modernization of China have sent mixed responses among countries in Asia. This intense condition seems to play important role as the driving force for defense diplomacy between Indonesia and South Korea. In addition, this paper also seeks to boost the necessity of both countries in enhancing the bilateral defense diplomacy in many aspects rather than just limit itself in export-import activities.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Digital Diplomacy: Problems and Challenges ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71121
<![CDATA[This paper explains the recent development of Indonesia’s digital diplomacy—which Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has conducted—in responding to the growing challenges of information, communication, and technology (ICT) towards its national interest. The use of the internet and its social media has definitely changed the practices of diplomacy among sovereign states, including Indonesia. Analyzing the issue within the interplay between internet and diplomacy, this paper looks at the way Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats have kept up with the rapid development of the ICT by mastering the use of internet in winning people’s hearts and minds. Tracing back the MOFA’s policies and implementations of digital diplomacy through its website and other platforms of social media reveals its strong commitment in using digital diplomacy in managing its foreign relations in the recent internet era. Digital diplomacy has presented several benefits for having direct and interactive communication with foreign audiences. In addition, Indonesia’s digital diplomacy has also had to deal with various problems which are closely related to the increasing use of internet among states and non-state actors—both in domestic and international levels—which may put risk to state-to-state relations. Therefore, this paper argues that the response of Indonesia’s MOFA and its diplomats towards the increasing use of digital diplomacy would determine its capability in managing various problems and challenges of international relations in the recent internet era.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelembagaan Regional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0084.40-49
<![CDATA[Institutionalization of non-traditional issues has become new phenomenon for ASEAN, including those related to human rights in the form of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). While its instutionalization has been one of ASEAN’s achievements for its sensitive characters, the AICHR also revealed several complexities. The first problem is related to ASEAN’s further attempts for boosting regional cooperation on human rights among its member states. Diversified political system of ASEAN’s states is deemed as its obstacle. The second refers to regional architecture of ASEAN which is prone to be loosely structured and more focussed on economic development and regional political stability. This paper seeks to explain dynamics among ASEAN’s member states in institutionalizing human rights issues. AICHR has been one of the most successful ASEAN’s achievements in managing non-traditional issues and promoting participation of non-state actors in this region. In doing so, this paper also shows tug-of-war between regional and national interests in the process of formulating regional regime on human rights in ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[Twitter Diplomacy @Kemlu_RI: A Case Study of Bali Democracy Forum 2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 10, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v10i1.11566
<![CDATA[Following the increasing use of social media, particularly Twitter, the Indonesian MOFA made an official Twitter account @Kemlu_RI for disseminating information. The paper aims to to analyse the trend of tweeting at the official Twitter account of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), @Kemlu_RI. This research used a qualitative approach through online media, Twitter. Data was obtained through observation of the conversation trend on Twitter by monitoring @Kemlu_RI account. This research focussed on the use of hashtag #BDF2019. Using ‘Drone Emprit Academic’ (DEA), this research collected data on five days of Twitter conversation. The DEA analysis resulted in 1.088 conversations. Rather than only disseminating information, the use of DEA for analysing #BDF2019 at @Kemlu_RI turned out to produce more findings. The result of this study shows that the DEA usage gives more benefits to Indonesian digital diplomacy, such as top hashtag, top influencer, social network analyses, and most engaged users, rather than just general dissemination of information of the BDF 2019. Therefore, the use of the DEA is very significant for resulting in more accurate data for Indonesian MOFA in order to manage a better strategy for using Twitter in its future diplomatic agenda.]]>
<![CDATA[PENINGKATAN KERJA SAMA MULTILATERAL DAN BILATERAL MELALUI DIPLOMASI KESEHATAN MENGENAI PENANGGULANGAN VAKSIN COVID-19 DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Erna Kurniawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 14, No 2 (2022): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v14i2.6820
<![CDATA[Seperti negara-negara lain, Indonesia telah melakukan berbagai upaya diplomasi kesehatan untuk melindungi rakyatnya dari ancaman pandemi COVID-19. Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisis peningkatan kerjasama internasional Indonesia dalam mengatasi pandemi melalui diplomasi kesehatan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif. Data diperoleh dari sumber perpustakaan, seperti informasi dari berbagai lembaga pemerintah dan non-pemerintah, organisasi internasional, serta sumber dari berbagai jurnal dan media massa. Langkah selanjutnya adalah menafsirkan data-data tersebut sesuai dengan fokus kajian tulisan ini. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama multilateral melalui fasilitas COVAX dan kerja sama bilateral untuk mendapatkan jaminan akses vaksin telah menjadi dua strategi penting. Kedua kerjasama itu bukannya saling meniadakan, namun justru saling melengkapi. Kedua diplomasi itu telah menghindarkan Indonesia dari kecenderungan menjalankan nasionalisme vaksin semata. Sebaliknya, pemerintah Indonesia telah menempatkan nasionalisme vaksin itu secara seimbang dan saling melengkapi dengan multilateralisme vaksin. Kedua strategi diplomasi itu dapat menjadi platform baru bagi diplomasi kesehatan Indonesia di masa pandemi COVID-19 ini. Dalam jangka panjang, identifikasi pemetaan ini dapat berkontribusi untuk pembuatan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia untuk mengembangkan diplomasi kesehatan secara umum dan meningkatkan peran Indonesia dalam Kesehatan Global.]]>
<![CDATA[Urgensi Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) dalam Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ludiro Madu]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 2 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v2n2.5
<![CDATA[This article examines the recent trend of increasing confidence in President Joko Widodo's administration to conduct multilateral diplomacy in order to complement bilateral diplomacy. Assuming that Indonesia as the chair of IORA 2015-2017 has strategic opportunities in designing, organizing and implementing IORA's pillars, goals, future direction. By using qualitative method, this article argues that some of the achievements of IORA in which Indonesian diplomacy has contributed during its leadership to face future challenges. Indonesia's maritime diplomacy during its leadership at IORA has significantly defined the fundamental contributions in directing the existence of IORA to anticipate future challenges.]]>
