cover
Article Per Year (5 Year)
All
Home Page
OAI Link
Editorial Team
Contact
Reviewer
Google Scholar
Contact Name
Christo Sumurung Tua Sagala
Contact Email
christosagala@unej.ac.id
Phone
+628565407999
Journal Mail Official
jurnalkajiankonstitusi@unej.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jalan Kalimantan No. 37 – Kampus Bumi Tegalboto Kotak POS 159 Jember, Jawa Timur, 68121, Indonesia
Location
Kab. jember,
Jawa timur
INDONESIA
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi
Published by Universitas Jember
ISSN : -     EISSN : 29623707     DOI : https://doi.org/10.19184/jkk
Core Subject : Social,
Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi is a peer-reviewed journal published by the Department of Constitutional Law, the Faculty of Law, the University of Jember, Indonesia. The publication in this journal focuses on the legal and constitutional studies under doctrinal, empirical, socio-legal, and comparative approaches. The journal welcomes all submissions about current discourses on law and constitution from diverse perspectives in a certain jurisdiction or with comparative analysis. Manuscript submissions should be between 5,000-8,000 words in length, although shorter papers relating to policy analysis and debate will be considered. The peer-review process and decision on publication will normally be completed within 60 days of receipt of submissions. Please see our Instructions for Authors for information on manuscript submission. If you require any further information or help, please visit our Support Center.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Hukum
Articles 5 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI" : 5 Documents clear
Friksi Masyarakat dalam Inkompabilitas Pemilu dan Demokrasi Indonesia Megawati Atiyatunnajah; Wari Syatul Amna
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI
Publisher : Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jember, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/j.kk.v3i1.38545

Abstract

Pemilihan Umum yang dimulai di Indonesia pada tahun 1955 dan sudah beberapa diadakan pemilihan umum baik untuk pemilihan anggota legislatif maupun untuk pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dan sekarang mulai ada perkembangan dengan adanya pemilihan kepala daerah mulai dari tingkat provinsi yaitu pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur, kemudian di tingkat kabupaten dan kota ada pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati serta Walikota dan Wakil Walikota, sampai kepada desa atau dusun yang dilakukan pemilihan secara langsung. Dewasa ini tidak sedikit kita melihat banyaknya pertentangan bahkan sampai kepada perpecahan. Seharusnya pemilihan umum sebagai wujud reformasi membuat perbedaan itu sebagai persatuan bukan membuat perpecahan dan pertikaian yang berkelanjutan, sebagai contoh perbedaan calon presiden saja mulai dari Pemilu 2014 sampai sekarang masih terasa adanya perpecahan tersebut yang merusak dan mengusik persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa. Semboyan Bhinneka Tunggal Ika tinggal sebutan sebagai semboyan tapi tidak ada pengaplikasiannya dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bertanah air lagi. Sedikit isu dan kabar angin bisa meruntuhkan bangunan kokoh Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi dan memperhatikan bagaimana dampak di tengah masyarakat yang berkaitan dengan friksi dalam inkompabilitas pemilu dan demokrasi serta mencari solusi cerdas untuk masalah tersebut.Kata kunci : Friksi; Politik; Pemilu; Demokrasi.General elections began in Indonesia in 1955 and several general elections were held both for the election of members of the legislature and for the election of the President and Vice President and now there are developments with the election of regional heads starting from the provincial level, namely the election of the Governor and Deputy Governor, then in At the district and city levels, there are elections for regents and deputy regents as well as mayors and deputy mayors, right down to the village or hamlet which are directly elected. Today, not a few of us see many contradictions, even to the point of division. General elections as a form of reform should make these differences as unity, not create divisions and ongoing conflict, for example, differences in presidential candidates, starting from the 2014 election until now, there are still divisions that undermine and disturb the unity and integrity of the nation. The motto of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika is just a motto but there is no application of it in the life of the nation and homeland anymore. A few rumors and rumors can undermine the solid building of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The purpose of this writing is to identify and pay attention to how the impacts in society are related to friction in election and democracy incompatibilities and to find smart solutions to these problems.Keywords: Friction; Politics; Elections; Democracy.
Meningkatkan Kualitas Pemilu Serentak Tahun 2024 melalui Pemanfaatan Teknologi Digital Azkiyah Rahmita Fauziah; Cakra Satria Bimantara; Kanaya Aulia Bahrenina; Yuhana Erni Pertiwi
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI
Publisher : Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jember, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/j.kk.v3i1.39022

Abstract

Penyelenggaraan pemilu di negara demokrasi seperti Indonesia merupakan implementasi kedaulatan rakyat dan digunakan untuk memilih pemimpin eksekutif dan legislatif serta membentuk pemerintahan baru guna meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat. Pemanfaatan teknologi digital, khususnya media sosial, menjadi penting dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu serentak tahun 2024 untuk memperlancar proses pemilihan serta sebagai media komunikasi dan informasi kepada masyarakat atau pemilih. Sehingga akan dibahas mengenai pemanfaatan teknologi digital dan sejauh mana pemanfaatan teknologi digital tersebut dalam upaya mewujudkan pemilu yang berkualitas, yang bertujuan mengkaji sejauh mana peran teknologi digital dalam mempermudah tahapan-tahapan pemilu serentak tahun 2024 dan mendorong peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan studi normatif dengan menganalisis berbagai sumber berupa buku, jurnal dan literatur lainnya. Berdasarkan hasil pengkajian diketahui bahwa teknologi digital dipergunakan dalam tahapan-tahapan pemilu oleh penyelenggara dan berperan dalam membantu proses penyelenggaraan tahapan-tahapan pemilu menjadi lebih efisien, cepat, akurat, dan transparan. Disisi lain, peningkatan keterampilan dan keahlian penyelenggara pemilu juga perlu dilakukan untuk meningkatkan profesionalisme dan mencegah kesalahan.Kata Kunci : Pemanfaatan Teknologi Digital; Penyelenggaraan Pemilu; Partisipasi Masyarakat; Kualitas Pemilu.The holding of elections in a democratic country like Indonesia is an implementation of people's sovereignty and is used to elect executive and legislative leaders and form a new government to improve people's welfare. Utilization of digital technology, especially social media, is important in holding simultaneous elections in 2024 to expedite the election process as well as a medium of communication and information to the public or voters. So that it will discuss the use of digital technology and the extent to which digital technology is used in an effort to create quality elections, which aims to examine the extent of the role of digital technology in facilitating the stages of simultaneous elections in 2024 and encouraging increased public participation. This study uses normative studies by analyzing various sources in the form of books, journals and other literature. Based on the results of the study, it is known that digital technology is used in election stages by organizers and plays a role in helping the process of organizing election stages to be more efficient, fast, accurate and transparent. On the other hand, improving the skills and expertise of election organizers also needs to be done to increase professionalism and prevent mistakes.Keywords: Utilization of Digital Technology; Election Implementation; Public Participation; Election Quality.
Menelisik Efektivitas Konstitusi Sitinur Febby Pattimahu; Mega Anjely Adzania Dony Putri; Gede Ngurah Darma Suputra; Dinar Ayu Wardani; Dwinova Rahma Amelia; Mia Rosmiawati
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI
Publisher : Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jember, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/j.kk.v3i1.39118

Abstract

Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi merupakan suatu lembaga independen di Indonesia yang dibentuk dengan tujuan memberantas tindak pidana korupsi. Oleh karena itu, tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk mengetahui status quo konstitusi di Indonesia, dan independensi KPK akibat dari berlakunya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No.36/puu-XV/2017. Dalam hal ini, penulis menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif serta menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Sebagai lembaga negara independen, KPK terbebas dari pengaruh pihak atau kekuasaan dari manapun pada saat menjalankan tugas dan wewenangnya, akan tetapi saat ini ditemukan adanya tumpang tindih peraturan yang ada mengenai perubahan kedudukan Lembaga KPK menjadi Lembaga eksekutif di bawah naungan presiden. Hal tersebut berpotensi menimbulkan intervensi dari kekuasaan berbagai pihak. Dengan demikian pemberlakuan putusan MK No.36/puu-XV/2017 yang mengubah kedudukan lembaga KPK tersebut akan mengganggu independensi KPK dalam menjalankan tugasnya, atas perubahan kedudukan tersebut dikhawatirkan tidak akan mandiri dan bebas. Jadi, diperlukan adanya suatu perbaikan mendasar terkait dengan kedudukan lembaga KPK itu sendiri dimana lembaga KPK dijamin akan kebebasan sebagai lembaga independen tanpa adanya intervensi dari badan eksekutif diatasnya.Kata Kunci: Konstitusi; Anomali; KPK; IndependensiThe Corruption Eradication Commission is an independent institution in Indonesia which was formed with the aim of eradicating criminal acts of corruption. Therefore, the aim of this research is to determine the constitutional status quo in Indonesia, and the independence of the Corruption Eradication Commission as a result of the enactment of Constitutional Court decision No.36/puu-XV/2017. In this case, the author uses normative legal research methods and uses a statutory approach. As an independent state institution, the Corruption Eradication Commission is free from the influence of any party or power from anywhere when carrying out its duties and authority, however, currently there are overlapping existing regulations regarding changing the position of the Corruption Eradication Commission Institution to become an executive institution under the auspices of the president. This has the potential to lead to intervention from the powers of various parties. Thus, the implementation of Constitutional Court decision No.36/puu-XV/2017 which changes the position of the KPK institution will disrupt the independence of the Corruption Eradication Committee in carrying out its duties, because of this change in position it is feared that it will not be independent and free. So, there is a need for fundamental improvements related to the position of the KPK institution itself, where the KPK institution is guaranteed freedom as an independent institution without any intervention from the executive body above it.Keywords: Constitution; Anomaly; KPK; Independence
Mekanisme Pengangkatan dan Pemberhentian Hakim Konstitusi menurut Peraturan Perundang-undangan Junesvan Purba; Hendri Goklas Pasaribu
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI
Publisher : Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jember, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/j.kk.v3i1.39521

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan memahami proses pengangkatan hakim konstitusi yang dilakukan oleh tiga Lembaga penyelenggara kekuasaan negara yaitu Presiden, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan Mahkamah Agung, dimana ketiga lembaga tersebut diberikan kewenangan menentukan mekanisme proses pemilihan calon hakim dari lembaganya masing-masing. Hal ini tentunya sangat berpengaruh untuk menentukan kandidat calon hakim yang benar-benar memenuhi syarat sebagai hakim konstitusi dan memiliki kompetensi dibidangnya. Selain itu akan diteliti juga terkait mekanisme pemberhentian hakim konstitusi, tentang hal apa yang menyebabkan seorang hakim konstitusi dapat di berhentikan dari jabatanya. Guna menjawab permasalahan tersebut dilakukan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan mengkaji bahan berupa buku, peraturan perundang-undangan, jurnal, serta sumber-sumber bahan lainnya. Kemudian disusun secara sistematis untuk selanjutnya dilakukan analisis supaya tecapai kejelasan yang akan di bahas. Sehingga dapat disimpulkan bahwa dasar pengangkatan dan pemberhentian hakim konstitusi dilakukan berdasarkan Konstitusi dan Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi, namun bila melihat Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi terdapat frasa seorang hakim konstitusi dapat di berhentikan apabila tidak lagi memenuhi syarat sebagai hakim konstitusi. Ketentuan ini memiliki makna yang kurang jelas dan juga tidak ada penjelasan terkait hal tersebut, sehingga perlu dilakukan pengaturan tentang kesamaan mekanisme di tiga lembaga dalam proses rekrutmen calon hakim konstitusi demi kepastian dan kejelasan di dalam proses rekrutmen calon hakim konstitusi.Kata Kunci: Pengangkatan Hakim; Pemberhentian Hakim; Mahkamah Konstitusi.This study aims to find out and understand the process of appointing constitutional judges which is carried out by three institutions that administer state power, namely the President, the People's Representative Council and the Supreme Court, where the three institutions are given the authority to determine the mechanism for the process of selecting candidate judges from their respective institutions. This is of course very influential in determining candidate judges who truly fulfill the requirements as constitutional judges and have competence in their field. In addition, it will also examine the mechanism for dismissing constitutional judges, regarding what causes a constitutional judge to be dismissed from his position. In order to answer these problems, normative juridical research was carried out by examining materials in the form of books, laws and regulations, journals, and other sources of material. Then it is arranged systematically for further analysis to be carried out so that clarity is achieved which will be discussed. So it can be concluded that the basis for the appointment and dismissal of constitutional judges is carried out based on the Constitution and the Constitutional Court Law, but if you look at the Constitutional Court Law there is a phrase that a constitutional judge can be terminated if he no longer fulfills requirements as a constitutional judge. This provision has an unclear meaning and there is also no explanation regarding this matter, so it is necessary to make arrangements regarding the similarity of mechanisms in the three institutions in the recruitment process for prospective constitutional judges for the sake of certainty and clarity in the recruitment process for prospective constitutional judges.Keywords: Appointment of Judges; Dismissal of Judges; Constitutional Court.
Ius Constituendum Kewenangan Judicial Preview di Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia Igam Arya Wada; Felix Alexander Kurniawan; Agnes Sinta
Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI
Publisher : Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law, University of Jember, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19184/j.kk.v3i1.37917

Abstract

Menurut Pasal 24C ayat (1) UUD 1945, Mahkamah Konstitusi memiliki wewenang salah satunya menguji konstitusionalitas undang-undang atau judicial review. Akan tetapi, buruknya kualitas legislasi dan intensitas perkara judicial review yang tinggi tidak diimbangi dengan kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi yang memadai. Dalam kapasitasnya sebagai negative legislator, Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia tidak diperlengkapi dengan wewenang untuk menguji konstitusionalitas rancangan undang-undang atau judicial preview sebagaimana yang ada dalam negara Perancis, Jerman, Austria, Hungaria, dan lain-lain. Diadopsinya kewenangan judicial preview dalam Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia merupakan upaya preventif kelemahan-kelemahan dari judicial review. Eksistensinya dapat meminimalisir undang-undang yang berkualitas buruk, meningkatkan perlindungan hak-hak konstitusional warga negara, mengantisipasi undang-undang berumur pendek, mencegah ketidakpastian hukum, meminimalisir penundaan perkara di Mahkamah Agung untuk peraturan perundang-undangan di bawah undang-undang yang memiliki relevansi dengan undang-undang yang sedang diujikan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi, mengantisipasi pembangkangan (constitutional disobedience) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat sebagai lembaga adressat putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, serta mengakomodir partisipasi publik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan urgensi amandemen kelima Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 khususnya Pasal 24C ayat (1), serta perubahan keempat Undang-Undang Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan jo Undang-Undang Nomor 15 Tahun 2019 tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan.Kata Kunci: Judicial Preview; Constitutional Disobedience; Pengujian Undang-Undang. According to Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, the Constitutional Court has the authority of one of them to test the constitutionality of the law or judicial review. However, the poor quality of legislation and the high intensity of judicial review cases are not balanced with adequate constitutional court authority. In its capacity as a negative legislator, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia is not equipped with the authority to test the constitutionality of the draft law or judicial preview as it exists in France, Germany, Austria, Hungary, and others. The adoption of judicial preview authority in the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia is an effort to prevent the weaknesses of judicial review. Its existence can minimize poor quality laws, improve the protection of citizens' constitutional rights, anticipate short-lived laws, prevent legal uncertainty, minimize delays in cases in the Supreme Court for laws that have relevance to the law being tested to the Constitutional Court, anticipating constitutional disobedience the House of Representatives as an institution adressat the decision of the Constitutional Court, as well as accommodating public participation. The results of the study showed the urgency of the fifth amendment of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia year 1945 specially for Article 24C paragraph (1), as well as the fourth amendment of the Constitutional Court Law and Law No. 12 of 2011 on the Establishment of Legislation jo Law No. 15 of 2019 on Amendments to Law No. 12 of 2011 on the Establishment of Laws and Regulations jo Law No. 13 of 2022 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Establishment of Laws and Regulations.Keywords: Judicial Preview; Constitutional Disobedience; Law Testing.

Page 1 of 1 | Total Record : 5

 1 

Filter by Year

2023 2023


Reset
Filter By Issues
All Issue Vol 3 No 2 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI Vol 3 No 1 (2023): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI Vol 2 No 2 (2022): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI Vol 2 No 1 (2022): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI Vol 1 No 2 (2021): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI Vol 1 No 1 (2021): JURNAL KAJIAN KONSTITUSI