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Al-Jami´ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
ISSN : -     EISSN : -     DOI : -
Core Subject : Religion,
Al-Jamiah, a journal of Islamic Studies published by Al-Jami'ah Research Centre of State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta since 1962, can be said as the oldest academic journal dealing with the theme in South East Asia. The subject covers textual and fieldwork studies with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, and many more. In the beginning the journal only served as a scholarly forum for the lecturers and professors at the State Institute of Islamic Studies. However, due to the later development with a broader readership, the journal has successfully invited scholars and researchers outside the Institute to contribute. Thus, Indonesian and non-Indonesian scholars have enriched the studies published in the journal. Although not from the beginning Al-Jamiah presents highly qualified scholarly articles, improvement—in terms format, style, and academic quality—never ceases. Now with articles written in Arabic and English and with the fair procedure of peer-review, Al-Jamiah continues publishing researches and studies pertinent to Islamic studies with various dimensions and approaches.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 742 Documents
Liberal Thought in Qur’anic Studies: Tracing Humanistic Approach to Sacred Text in Islamic Scholarship Setiawan, M. Nur Kholis
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 1 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.451.1-28

Abstract

Literary approach to the Quran developed by al-Khuli created deep critiques from its opponents, in whose opinion, the usage of literary paradigm to the study of the Qur’an, according to them, implied a consequence of treating the Qur’an as a human text which clearly indicates a strong influence of a liberal mode of thinking that goes out of the line of the Qur’an’s spirit. This article shows a diametric fact compared to that they have claimed. The data proves that linguistic aspects of the Qur’an have succeeded in making an intellectual connection among progressive and liberal scholars in the classical and modern era. This supports the assumption that progressive and liberal thought whose one of its indicators is freedom of thought in accordance to Charles Kurzman term, is “children” of the Islamic civilization. Freedom of thought in the classical Islamic scholarship should be the élan of intellectualism including the field of Quranic studies.
Bediuzzaman Said Nursi and The Sufi Tradition Machasin, M.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 43, No 1 (2005)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2005.431.1-21

Abstract

Berbicara tentang pribadi dan pemikiran Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, artikel ini dimaksudkan untuk mengungkap jati diri tokoh sufi modern dari Turki ini. Analisis diawali dengan melihat ajaran dasar sang tokoh bahwa sufisme di satu sisi masih merupakan sesuatu yang penting bagi seorang muslim, tetapi di sisi lain juga sangat mudah menjadikan keimanan seseorang mengarah pada titik yang salah. Meskipun tidak semuanya, ada beberapa praktek dan tradisi sufisme yang tidak benar dan tidak lagi cocok untuk diamalkan pada masa Said Nursi hidup, bahkan mungkin juga pada masa sekarang. Terkait dengan hal ini, Nursi menawarkan satu alternatif yang menurutnya didasarkan pada al-Quran dalam meniti jalan sufisme, tanpa menafikan adanya cara-cara yang lainnya. Alternatif yang disebutnya sebagai Haqiqa, cara a la Risalat al-Nur, ini terdiri dari empat langkah, bukan tujuh atau pun sepuluh langkah sebagaimana umumnya dalam ajaran sufisme: al-` ajz, al-faqr, al-shafaqa, dan al-tafakkur. Di samping itu bagi Nursi, Sufisme harus dipraktekkan dalam bingkai dan tanpa meninggalkan shari`a karena shar`a bukanlah sisi luar dari Islam, tetapi merupakan satu sistem utuh yang mencakup inner dan sekaligus outer aspect dari Islam. Artikel ini juga melihat jejak-jejak pengaruh pemikiran tokoh-tokoh besar sufi dalam pemikiran Nursi, seperti Abu Hamidal-Ghazali, Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, dan Ahmad Rabbani al-Sirhindi.
Pesantren and the Freedom of Thinking: Study of Ma‘had Aly Pesantren Sukorejo Situbondo, East Java, Indonesia Gazali, Hatim; Malik, Abd.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 47, No 2 (2009)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2009.472.295-316

Abstract

Various studies on Pesantren have been conducted through various lenses and perspectives; however, its attractiveness is still there. In some points, the pesantren is well known as a conservative institution in which freedom of thinking is limited. This article is willing to show that not all pesantrens limit their students freedom of thinking. One of them is Mahad Aly (higher education), one of the education institution in Pesantren Salafiyah Syafiiyah Sukorejo Situbondo which focuses its teaching on fiqh. Fiqh, or Islamic jurisprudence, is one of the branches of Islamic science. In some pesantrens, the teaching of fiqh is limited to one school or madhhab, particularly school of Shafii. However, in Mahad Aly, not only one school of thought is taught, but fiqh of four schools of thought. It shows a high tolerance and respect for differences. In order to seek a new ingredient in formulating Islamic law, the teaching of fiqh is combined with other sciences such as philosophy, sociology, and anthropology. This new ingredient produces a rich discourse of fiqh and widens its scope of discussion to include to religious relationships, gender, human rights, ecology, and other contemporary issues such as interfaith marriage, the possibility of a non-Muslim being president, and the role of women in the public sphere. Looking from the curriculum, the method of teaching, and the publication of bulletin of Tanwirul Afkar, this article proves that freedom of thinking is well-maintained at Mahad Aly.
Minority Right to Attend Religious Education in Indonesia Raihani, Raihani
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.1-26

Abstract

In 2003, Indonesian government issued a new education law in which one of the articles (Article 12) states that student has the right to access religion class in school in accordance with his or her religion by teachers who share the faith. This particular article has a legal ramification that school --state and private-- by law must provide corresponding Religion Classes (RC) for each religious group of students in order to fulfill their very human basic right to access to and observe their religious and cultural teaching and practices. This paper presents findings of four different school case studies on the problem of access to RC by religious minority in schools in Indonesia. Minority in this paper refers to religious groups that are either numeric minority or subordinate majority at the micro school level, not in the macro national population. This paper argues that numeric minority in any context (micro or macro) is vulnerable to discrimination by the dominating majority when the law of social relations is not fairly implemented. The findings suggest that the right of religious minority groups in three of the four schools to access proper RC is stifled, particularly to access equal learning facilities. Numeric religious minority groups in these schools suffer from powerlessness. One case, however, demonstrates that the positional power of minority group reverses this logic of minority-powerlessness and puts the religious majority students in a subordinate position.[Tahun 2003, pemerintah Indonesia mengeluarkan Undang-Undang Pendidikan yang pada pasal 12 menyatakan bahwa siswa mempunyai hak terhadap pelajaran agama di sekolah dengan guru yang mengajar sesuai dengan agamanya. Pasal ini mempunyai konsekuensi bahwa sekolah, baik swasta atau pun negeri, harus menyediakan kelas agama untuk setiap kelompok siswa untuk mendapatkan hak dasarnya guna melaksanakan agama dan ajarannya. Artikel ini menampilkan hasil penelitian dari empat sekolah dengan studi kasus pada persoalan kelas agama bagi kelompok minoritas. Istilah minoritas di sini merujuk pada kelompok agama yang sedikit jumlahnya atau kelompok kecil pada sekolah, bukan pada level nasional. Tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa minoritas pada konteks mikro atau makro sangat rentan terhadap perlakuan diskriminasi oleh kelompok mayoritas ketika hukum social tidak sepenuhnya dijalankan. Penemuan ini menegaskan bahwa hak keagamaan minoritas dalam tiga dari empat sekolah terganggu, terutama yang terkait dengan hak fasilitas belajar. Beberapa kelompok minoritas pada sekolah tersebut tak berdaya. Namun, satu kasus menunjukkan bahwa kondisi minoritas berbalik, justru  kelompok mayoritas yang menjadi subordinasi.]
Ulama, State, and Politics in Myanmar Kadoe, Naw Lily; Husein, Fatimah
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.131-158

Abstract

Issues related to Islam and Myanmar have become world’s attention, especially in relation to the Rohingya refugees who fled the country in the past few months. The 2010 government census stated that Muslim constitutes 3.9% of  the total 53 million population, who are mainly Theravada Buddhists; but some Muslim leaders interviewed in September 2014 argued that the followers of Prophet Muhammad constituted 17%. This paper finds that violent conflicts involving Muslims and Buddhists in Rakhine State were caused by complex issues including the historical background of  the coming and development of  Islam in Myanmar and the authoritarian military regime, which did not open paths for dialogue. It is surprising to witness how the concept of  “peace” that is at the heart of  the Buddhist teaching seems to be disappeared in the whole issue of  the conflicts. This paper, however, will not focus on the conflicts themselves but on the role of  ulama during the Myanmar conflict.[Isu terkait Islam dan Myanmar telah menyita perhatian dunia, khususnya setelah adanya para pengungsi Rohingya yang keluar dari negeri ini beberapa bulan yang lalu. Sensus tahun 2010 yang dilakukan pemerintah menunjukkan bahwa penhanut Islam berjumlah 3,9% dari total 53 juta penduduk yang mayoritas penganut Budha Theravada; namun menurut beberapa tokoh Islam yang diwawancarai pada  September 2014, penganut Islam mencapai 17%. Tulisan ini melihat bahwa konflik kekerasan antara Muslim dan Budha di Provinsi Rakhine dilatarbelakangi persoalan yang cukup komplek, termasuk latar sejarah masuk dan berkembangnya Islam di Myanmar serta rezim militer yang otoriter yang tidak pernah membuka ruang dialog. Satu hal yang cukup mengejutkan adalah konsep “damai” yang menjadi jantung ajaran Budha tampaknya hilang di telan pusaran konflik.Hanya saja, tulisan ini tidak berfokus pada isu konflik itu sendiri, namun lebih menelisik peran ulama dalam konflik Myanmar.]
Muslim Women’s Politics in Advancing Their Gender Interests: A Case-Study of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah in Indonesia New Order Era Syamsiyatun, Siti
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 1 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.451.57-89

Abstract

This article analyses a strategy of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah, a youth Muslim women organization, in developing its ideology and the importance of gender in the reign of New Order Indonesia (1966-1998). In the name of political stability, the New Order applied a tight political control towards mass-religious based organizations and tried to minimize their militancy by forming new women’s movement organizations such as Dharma Wanita and PKK that are easily controlled by the government. As an Islamic women organization, Nasyiatul Aisyiyah underwent the surveillance practiced by the government via those two bodies; however Nasyiatul Aisyiyah could constantly maintain its entity as an Islamic women organization. In the 1980s when the New Order Regime was predominantly in power, Nasyiatul Aisyiyah held negotiations and adapted to the governmental gender policy to assure the position and the interests of young women.
Gender Issues in Application of Islamic Law in Nigeria Umar, Muhammad S.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 1 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.451.29-56

Abstract

This essay explores gender issues in the contemporary application of Islamic law in the Muslim majority-states of northern Nigeria. Brief political background helps to explain the shari‘a codes enacted by the legislatures of the states, drawing largely from the classical formulations of Maliki school of Islamic law. Women were among the first to be prosecuted and sentenced to death by stoning for the offence of zinā. To provide effective legal defense for the accused women, their lawyers and activists for women human rights had to argue in Islamic law before they could convince Shari‘a Courts of Appeal to overturn the sentences of death by stoning and set the women free. In the process, women activists learned a lot about the classical formulations of Maliki school of Islamic law, where they discovered the rich flexibility of Islamic thought, and that has empowered them to articulate Islamic criticisms against gender bias in the recently enacted shari‘a codes.
Unquestioned Gender Lens in Contemporary Indonesian Shari‘ah-Ordinances (Perda Syariah) Candraningrum, Dewi
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 45, No 2 (2007)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2007.452.289-320

Abstract

Indonesian muslim participation in the democratic arena is now contested with the arrival of the decentralization process in 423 districts since 1992. The most notable movement is the quest for Islamic identity in the rejuvenation of Shari ‘ah Ordinances which is interpreted symbolically and transcripturally. These ordinances have unrecognized the importance of gender lens in its practice. Until the end of 2007 no less than 63 districts have ratified Perda Syari’ah. In general, these ordinances designed to govern three aspects of public life, namely (1) to eradicate social crimes especially prostitutions and gambling; (2) to enforce ritual observances among Muslims such as reading the Qur’an, Friday congregations and fasting during Ramadan; and (3) to govern the way people dress up in public sphere especially the head-veiling for women. Although Islam is the religion of the majority there are also non-muslim among Indonesian and institutionally Indonesia is not an Islamic state, therefore the ratification of Perda Syari’ah betrayed national consensus agreed upon by the founding fathers of the republic.
Leveling the Unleveled? Syariah Advocates’ Struggle for Equality in Indonesian Legal Pluralism Lukito, Ratno
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 49, No 1 (2011)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2011.491.87-117

Abstract

One of the ongoing problems faced by many Syariah advocates in Indonesia is how they can maintain their important role in the practice of law in the midst of the domination of common advocates. They are always trapped in double burden in concern of their position. On one side, they are challenged with the long historical inequality of educational access between religious (Islamic) groups and secular groups, while on the other, they have to deal with the problem of being part of Muslim society with a legal culture where Islamic  law is commonly viewed as irreconcilable with secular legal traditions. This paper specifically discusses the role played by the Association of Indonesian Syariah Advocates (Asosiasi Pengacara Syariah Indonesia, APSI) in their struggle to assert equality between Syariah advocates and common advocates. It shows that although APSI has successfully attracted attention from the state and public in general, the interest shown by Syariah faculties remains even relatively low. Embedded traditional culture of studying Islamic law in many Syariah faculties seems to have influenced their attention towards APSI. Yet, with inclusive approaches in expanding the institution, APSI can attract many advocates, not only from Muslim law graduates but from those of non-Muslims as well.
Change and Continuity in Indonesian Islamist Ideology and Terrorist Strategies Fenton, Adam James
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.521.1-24

Abstract

The “Islamisation” of Indonesia has exerted a transformative force on every aspect of Indonesian society. That process continues today. It has created streams of change and continuity in thoughts, ideologies and practices, of enormous complexity. Strict doctrinal interpretation of Koranic text is not a new phenomenon, contrary to what some reports in the mass media might suggest. Its roots stretch back at least as far as the 1800s with the outbreak of violent conflicts between those urging a stricter, scripturalist application of Islam, and those adhering to traditionalist and colonialist ideologies --culminating in the Padri war of West Sumatra of 1821-38. Indicating an ostensible continuity of ideology, modern extremist ideologues, such as Abu Bakar Bashir, urge their followers toward violent conflict and terrorist actions based on an ideology of strict “Middle Eastern” interpretation of fundamental Islamic tenets. This paper argues that the strategies of those carrying out radical and violent ideologies are undergoing change, as are the strategies of the authorities tasked with combating them. Radical groups have displayed a shift away from large-scale, attacks on symbolic foreign targets towards low-level violence primarily aimed at law enforcement authorities. Authorities, on the other hand, have shown a greater tendency to shoot dead those suspected of involvement with violent radical groups. This paper will examine the changing strategies of violent radical groups and the continuity, and evolution, of the underlying Islamic ideology that provides religious justification for their violent acts. The paper will argue that engaging Indonesia’s politically active youth in an ideological dialogue on Islamism and democracy provides the best prospect for disengagement from, and breaking the cycle of recruitment for, radical violence and terrorism.[Proses panjang Islamisasi di Indonesia telah menghasilkan kekuatan transformatif di seluruh aspek kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Proses ini terus berlangsung hingga sekarang serta menciptakan gelombang perubahan berkesinambungan dalam pemikiran, ideologi, dan praktik-praktik dalam kompleksitas yang rumit. Penafsiran kaku atas ayat-ayat Quran sebenarnya bukanlah sesuatu yang baru, berbeda dengan apa yang selama ini diasumsikan di media. Fenomena seperti ini dapat dirunut kembali pada era 1800an, khususnya pada konflik bersenjata yang terjadi antara penganjur penerapan tekstual ajaran Islam dengan para penganut ideologi tradisional dan penjajah, yang berpuncak pada Perang Padri di Sumatra Barat tahun 1821-38. Dengan ideologi serupa, para ideolog modern dari kelompok garis keras, seperti Abu Bakar Bashir, mendorong pengikutnya untuk melakukan aksi kekerasan dan teror dengan mendasarkan diri pada ideologi ala Timur Tengah dengan penafsiran dasar-dasar Islam secara kaku. Tulisan ini mendalilkan bahwa strategi kelompok yang mengusung ideologi radikal dan kekerasan terus mengalami perubahan seiring perubahan strategi penguasa dalam menghadapi mereka. Strategi kelompok radikal telah berubah dari penyerangan berskala besar terhadap simbol-simbol asing bergeser pada kekerasan berskala kecil terutama pada persoalan penerapan hukum. Pemerintah, di sisi lain, cenderung mengambil tindakan tegas terhadap mereka yang diduga terlibat kekerasan kelompok radikal. Tulisan ini juga melihat perubahan-perubahan dan kesinambungan strategi dari kelompok radikal serta evolusi ideologi Islam yang menjustifikasi aksi-aksi kekerasan. Kesimpulan lainnya adalah bahwa keterlibatan kalangan muda dalam kegiatan dialog mengenai Islam dan demokrasi menjadikan mereka terhindar sekaligus memutus rantai rekrutmen gerakan radikal dan terorisme.]

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