Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JHI invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JHI published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
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<![CDATA[Desain Kewilayahan dan Posisi Middle Power dalam Strategi Hedging Kazakhstan terhadap Rusia dan Tiongkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhamad Anugrah Pratama]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12939
<![CDATA[Kazakhstan dihadapkan pada kontestasi Rusia dan Tiongkok yangberkompetisi untuk memperoleh pengaruh dan meningkatkan keterlibatanmereka di wilayah Asia Tengah sejak tahun 1990-an. Dalam menghadapisituasi tersebut, Kazakhstan menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri hedgingyang termasuk dalam tajuk ‘multi-vector policy’. Hal ini memiliki keunikankarena Kazakhstan secara geografis merupakan negara landlocked danmemiliki hubungan historis yang dekat dengan Rusia. Pertanyaan yang diajukandalam tulisan ini adalah mengapa Kazakhstan melakukan kebijakanluar negeri hedging dalam melakukan hubungan dengan Rusia dan Tiongkokdi Asia Tengah? Tulisan ini lantas menggunakan perspektif geopolitikkewilayahan dan posisi middle power negara untuk mencari jawaban ataspertanyaan tersebut. Hasil analisis penulis menunjukkan bahwa kebijakanhedging yang dilakukan oleh Kazakhstan dengan Rusia dan Tiongkok dipengaruhioleh adanya perubahan desain kewilayahan Kazakhstan yangakhirnya memengaruhi perspektif elit sehingga memilih menjalankan kebijakanmencirikan middle power, yaitu hedging.]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Strategi Transnational Advocacy Network dalam Menentang Pengesahan Qanun Jinayat di Aceh ]]>
<![CDATA[Jessica Aulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurul Isnaini]]>;
<![CDATA[R. Maisa Yudono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.8978
<![CDATA[This research paper frames the failure of contention against Islamic CriminalLaw (Qanun Jinayat) in Aceh as a strategic problem. In this research,the authors combine literature research and field observation in BandaAceh. Amidst the debate between the universalist and particularist pointof view regarding human right issues, local NGOs fighting against QanunJinayat have linked themselves with INGOs in a network of activists whichKeck and Sikkink (1998) refers to as Transnational Advocacy Network(TAN). It has undertaken multiple approaches aligned to the four typesof strategies as underlined by Keck and Sikkink (1998). However, suchstrategies are ineffective due to multiple features of the advocacy such ascomplexity of Indonesian law, difference in final objective of the elementsof TAN, and lack of strong representative figure as the front of the advocacy.In all, it can be concluded that although the pattern of transnationaladvocacy has emerged in Aceh, presence of such transnational networkhas not successfully advocated against the legalization of Qanun Jinayat.]]>
<![CDATA[Aspek Pragmatisme dalam Kebijakan Pintu Terbuka Jerman terhadap Pengungsi Timur Tengah: Solusi Grey Population ]]>
<![CDATA[Nadia Khansa Salsabila]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12940
<![CDATA[In 2015, refugee crisis that occurred in European Union due to the war inthe Middle East formed the background of Germany’s open-door policy.As it is implemented, this open-door policy attracted several controversieswith strong internal criticism and negative public opinion, but the policystill be maintained. This phenomenon raises questions regarding on thebasis of German legitimacy in maintaining an open-door policy whichhas always highlighted the sides and ideas of humanitarianism. Therefore,this study seeks to see other aspects of Germany’s open-door policyas German foreign policy, namely ‘pragmatism’ based on considerationof demographic issues related to greying population which have a negativeimpact on German’s stability and economic prospects. Based on thesethoughts, the author argues that Germany maintained the open-door policyas a solution to help overcome greying population in demographic andeconomic context. The open-door policy can be use as a solution throughthe use of refugees and immigrants as productive workers and tax payersin Germany.]]>
<![CDATA[Radio as A Tool for Society Empowerment in Sub-Saharan States ]]>
<![CDATA[Yeremia Nicolaus Widjanarko]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.10653
<![CDATA[The rapid development experienced by the mass media has changed theway societies access information. It could be proven by the existence ofcommunication and information technology, which requires variousconditions such as qualified educational experiences, good economicconditions, and the existence of adequate infrastructures. However, theserequirements are not easy to be met by people in sub-Saharan countries.As a result, people in sub-Saharan countries use radio instead as a massmedia to obtain information. Regarding this phenomenon, the authorsees an opportunity to use radio as a tool for community empowerment,precisely through the spread of endemic knowledge. The author thenuses the marginal utilitarianism method with a bottom-up approachexplaining how radio could be used in community empowerment whichresulted into information blending methods. The purpose of the paperitself is to give new insight on ways to empower society, precisely throughthe use of traditional mass media.]]>
<![CDATA[Integrasi Regional Eropa Pasca Krisis Pengungsi 2015: Peran Area Schengen dalam Rekonstruksi Identitas Eropa melalui ‘Spatial “Othering”’ ]]>
<![CDATA[Tara Kukuh Wardhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12941
<![CDATA[This paper departs from the debate on the relevance of functional and neofunctionalmotives, such as economics, politics, and mobility, to the EU to maintainthe procurement of the Schengen area in the aftermath of insecurity crisiscaused by the large influx of refugees in 2015. This issue is important becausethe Schengen area has been one of the drivers of European regional integration.Thus, a more thorough analysis is needed in order to clarify other motives underlyingthe EU’s decision to maintain the procurement of the Schengen Area.Consequently, the author’s analysis yields three major findings to review motivesregarding the issue. First, the author analyses the transition of Schengen’s ‘ordering’forms in the European integration process, from functional to identity-drivenmotives. Second, the author analyses the ‘bordering’ practices undertaken by theEU through the Schengen area as an attempt to deconstruct the European rigidgeographical identity into a spatial geopolitical identity thus reinforcing exclusionof countries non-European. Third, the author analyses the possibility of increasingdegrees of EU inclusiveness as a strategic response to the Schengen crisis.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Ekspansi PT. Garuda Indonesia Tbk melalui Kolaborasi Internasional dengan SkyTeam Airline Alliance ]]>
<![CDATA[Ni Made Citra Kusuma Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12259
<![CDATA[On March 5th 2014, Garuda Indonesia officially joined SkyTeam AirlineAlliance and became the first Indonesian airline that takes part in theglobal airline alliance. Based on that case, the author aims to explore theexpansion strategy of PT. Garuda Indonesa Tbk. through its membershipin SkyTeam. The author will utilize the strategic alliance theory of InternationalBusiness in understanding the relation between Garuda Indonesiaand SkyTeam. The author will also provide several datas to comparethe business operation of PT. Garuda Indonesia before and after joiningSkyTeam Airline Alliance in order to analyze the impact of this alliance.According to the collected data, the author found that the membership ofGaruda Indonesia in SkyTeam has shown positive impacts to the airline’snumber of international traffic, total operating revenues, as well as itsquality of service. Therefore, the author argues that SkyTeam AirlineAlliance contributes not only to the increase of profit earned by GarudaIndonesia, but also the airline’s quality of service.]]>
<![CDATA[Strategi Perlawanan Venezuela dalam Menghadapi Tekanan Amerika Serikat melalui ALBA Tahun 2015-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Faradilla Firdaus]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12973
<![CDATA[Economic and humanitarian crisis that happened in Venezuela since 2014has left Venezuela in international pressure, especially from the UnitedStates. United States pressure make Venezuela position’s isolated in LatinAmerica region also in international. In order facing United Statespressure, Venezuela takes advantage of its position in ALBA as a regionalpower. As ALBA member countries still showing strong support towardsVenezuela despite Venezuela is hit by crisis allegedly due to the failureof socialist economic system on Hugo Chavez’s era. This research usehegemony cooperative theory as analysis instrument which is result threestrategies by Venezuela: (1) balancing reduction strategy by increasebalance of fear towards United States; (2) increasing bandwagoningstrategy towards ALBA member countries to maintain the exsistence ofregional supportive discourse; (3) aggregation power strategy towardsALBA member countries to prevention defection in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[Perkembangan Confucius Institute di Amerika Serikat ]]>
<![CDATA[Fikri Fendi Ferdiansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.4394
<![CDATA[Confucius Institute is an educational learning Chinese languageinstitution, integrated within the China Ministry of Education whichhave the task to internationalizing Chinese education in many states. TheConfucius Institute itself has grown rapidly in the United States in thepast ten years. Regarding this phenomenon, there are many anomalieswhich make Confucius Institute should not become bloomed in there, suchas the Chinese-Americans or Chinese spoken are minorities in the UnitedStates. This paper tried to explain why the Confucius Institute can easilyoutspread in the United States during this past ten years. This researchfocused on two things: (1) the relationship between the institution,home country, and host country through bargaining model concept and(2) the application of adaptation strategy with the marketing mix. Theauthor found that the success of Confucius Institute in the United States isbecause there’s a mutually close relationship between the home country andhost country based on bilateral agreement; the mutual close relationshipbetween institution and host country based on bargaining power; and theapplication of marketing mix based on 4P’s and 4C’s.]]>
<![CDATA[Containment Amerika Serikat terhadap Fenomena Rise of China dalam Perspektif Hegemoni Realisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Ary Arseno]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12442
<![CDATA[This paper explains about the United States’ containment strategy towardChina, the argue that the United States’ strategy of containment aimsto contain the China’s rise phenomenon. After the Cold War, China hasdeveloped as a powerful country which has capability to threaten theUnited States’ ‘sole hegemon’ status. Containment is the chosen strategy tokeep Washington at the top of the hierarchy of international system. Theauthor divide this paper into three sections, the first show the relationsthe United States builds to make containment works. Then in the sectiontwo, the author explain the United States’ containment strategy withJohn Mearsheimer’s offensive realism theory. The last section, I end thispaper with conclusion that consists of important points of the paper.]]>
<![CDATA[Hambatan yang Dihadapi ASEAN Defense Industry Collaboration (ADIC) dalam Menentukan Platform Persenjataannya ]]>
<![CDATA[Novri Surya Ningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.4765
<![CDATA[This article is a study of the impediments to the ASEAN Defense IndustryCollaboration (ADIC) in determining its weapons platforms. In analyzingthe impediments, this article refers to the concept of Revolution in MilitaryAffairs (RMA) which formulates that the technology, doctrine, andmilitary organization are influenced by each member of the ADIC. TheRMA is a useful concept for portraying the military characteristics ofeach member. The causality constructed in this research is between thedoctrinaire, technological, and organizational features in the determinationof military and weapons platform in the ADIC. This article findsthat there is discrepancy in existing technologies, doctrines, and militaryorganizations among members of ADIC and it creates a strong impedimentin determining weapons platforms. Without initiating strongercollaboration and setting tangible policy aims to solve common groundabsence, ADIC will not go effectively.]]>
