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RELASI JARINGAN ORGANISASI PEMUDA DALAM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR SUMATERA UTARA Amin, Muryanto
Jurnal Komunitas: Research and Learning in Sociology and Anthropology Vol 6, No 1 (2014): Lokalitas, Relasi Kuasa dan Transformasi Sosial
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v6i1.2951

Abstract

Penelitian ini dilatari oleh munculnya para ”preman” sebagai aktor lokal di Sumatera Utara yang berperan mendukung Syamsul Arifin sebagai calon Gubernur Sumatera Utara tahun 2008. Sebagian aktor lokal itu berasal dari kader Pemuda Pancasila. Mereka mengandalkan kekerasan dan uang yang dimiliki untuk memperoleh serta memaksimalkan akses sumber daya dari pemerintah daerah. Untuk menjelaskan model relasi jaringan yang digunakan Pemuda Pancasila sebagai modal memenangkan calon gubernur yang didukung, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pendekatan studi kasus dan analisis tipologi dipilih sebagai sebagai cara untuk menyusun interpretasi atas data tertulis, wawancara dan observasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa model relasi yang terjalin antara Pemuda Pancasila dengan birokrasi, pengusaha, dan media cetak lokal dilakukan atas dasar hubungan yang saling menguntungkan atau simbiosis mutualisme. Jalinan relasi jaringan tersebut dilakukan dengan cara yang beragam, saling mengait, dan penuh intrik untuk mempertahankan akses kekuasaan dan memanfaatkan sumber daya yang dikuasai. Pemuda Pancasila tetap ingin memperoleh akses sumber daya yang dikuasai negara di tingkat lokal. Sementara, para pejabat birokrasi, pengusaha, dan pengelola media cetak lokal membutuhkan kekuatan Pemuda Pancasila untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan dan usaha mereka seperti menghindari ancaman dan menjaga keamanan di lokasi-lokasi kekuasaan dan usaha mereka. The background of this study is the emergence of “gangsters”—some of whom were cadres of Pemuda Pancasila—as local actors who played an important role to support Syamsul Arifin as governor candidates in North Sumatera. They rely intimidated with violence and money to gain access resources from the local government and maximize them. This study used qualitative methods that would explain network relation models of Pemuda Pacasila used as capital backed winning candidate for governor. The qualitative analysis with typology technique is chosen as a way to arrange interpretations on data—written materials, in depth interviews, and observations. The findings showed that the network relation models among Pemuda Pancasila, bureaucracy, businessman, and local print media was performed based on mutualistic symbiosis. Interwoven network of relationships is done in stepwise manner, interlocking, full of intrigue, and power to maintain access and utilize resources owned. Pemuda Pancasila still want to gain resources accsess that local state controlled. While bureaucrats, businessman, and local media managers need strength of Pemuda Pancasila to maintain their power and attempt to avoid such threats and security at sites and their efforts.
Konsep Negara Kesejahteraan dari Waktu ke Waktu AMIN, MURYANTO
Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 3, No 2 (2011): Volume 3 No 2 Juli 2011
Publisher : Universitas Sumatera Utara

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Abstract

The concept of the welfare state is a concept that is still being debated. The debate is the events of the past and present. This study discusses the debate. This study found, in the debate, there are four meanings of the welfare state concept: First, the concept of the welfare state understood as the power of the state addressed to the national welfare; Second, the concept of the wel-fare state understood as undercover state collectivism by directing spending; Third, the concept of the welfare state understood as the beginning phase of the political absolutism; Fourth, the concept of the welfare state understood as a way to pay attention condition of the people who are not rich (poor). This debate can not be separated from the pull of the ideology social-ism and capitalism. The implication is that the welfare state can be called a middle way.Keywords: Welfare state, laissez faire, empirical libertarian.
Fragmentasi Gerakan Buruh di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru AMIN, MURYANTO
Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 3, No 1 (2011): Volume 3 No 1 Januari 2011
Publisher : Universitas Sumatera Utara

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Abstract

happened because labor organization during the period prohibited to do political activity. The impact is labor organization didn’t have power to influence government policy at labour issue. Since the new order was collapses, labour has become as the political power in politics. Nevertheless that still has not yet become the real power. This Study states its problem is be-cause labour movement organization is fragmented. This Study discusses why this condition can happen. To answer that question, this study uses the approach of relation between state and civil society and use literature study and document in data collecting. The finding is: First, the labor organization in Indonesia haves history burden, especially memory about new order ex-perience that bridles labor movement; The elite of labour movement organization affect different political way, because must follow its political party rule; Last, the labour movement didnt have a movement pattern with tactical and systematic target goals.Keywords: Labour movement, fragmented organization, political participation.
Pengaruh Kualitas Pelayanan Publik Terhadap Kepuasan Pelanggan Di Perusahaan Daerah Air Minum Tirtanadi Cabang Medan Kota Salim, Rudi; Kusmanto, Heri; Amin, Muryanto
JUPIIS: Jurnal Pendidikan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial Vol 10, No 1 (2018): JUPIIS (Jurnal Pendidikan Ilmu Ilmu Sosial) JUNI
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Medan

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Abstract

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pengaruh kualitas layanan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan, pengaruh kualitas kinerja layanan (distribusi air) terhadap kepuasan pelanggan di PT PDAM, Cabang Medan Kota. Metode kuantitatif deskriptif digunakan sebagai metode penelitian. Kuesioner dan studi dokumen digunakan sebagai metode pengumpulan data. Data dianalisis dengan menerapkan regresi linier berganda dan analisis linier sederhana karena peneliti bertujuan untuk mengamati pengaruh variabel x pada variabel y. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa secara parsial bukti fisik yaitu 0,93 memiliki pengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan; keandalan yaitu 0,223 memiliki pengaruh positif namun tidak signifikan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan; responsif yaitu 0,221 memiliki pengaruh positif namun tidak signifikan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan, keamanan yaitu 0,179 memiliki pengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan dan empati yaitu 0,213 memiliki pengaruh positif namun tidak signifikan terhadap kepuasan pelanggan. Kualitas layanan yang terdiri dari bukti fisik, keandalan, daya tanggap, keamanan dan empati secara bersamaan memiliki pengaruh positif terhadap kepuasan pelanggan.
RELASI JARINGAN ORGANISASI PEMUDA DALAM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR SUMATERA UTARA Amin, Muryanto
KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture Vol 6, No 1 (2014): Lokalitas, Relasi Kuasa dan Transformasi Sosial
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v6i1.2951

Abstract

Penelitian ini dilatari oleh munculnya para ”preman” sebagai aktor lokal di Sumatera Utara yang berperan mendukung Syamsul Arifin sebagai calon Gubernur Sumatera Utara tahun 2008. Sebagian aktor lokal itu berasal dari kader Pemuda Pancasila. Mereka mengandalkan kekerasan dan uang yang dimiliki untuk memperoleh serta memaksimalkan akses sumber daya dari pemerintah daerah. Untuk menjelaskan model relasi jaringan yang digunakan Pemuda Pancasila sebagai modal memenangkan calon gubernur yang didukung, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pendekatan studi kasus dan analisis tipologi dipilih sebagai sebagai cara untuk menyusun interpretasi atas data tertulis, wawancara dan observasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa model relasi yang terjalin antara Pemuda Pancasila dengan birokrasi, pengusaha, dan media cetak lokal dilakukan atas dasar hubungan yang saling menguntungkan atau simbiosis mutualisme. Jalinan relasi jaringan tersebut dilakukan dengan cara yang beragam, saling mengait, dan penuh intrik untuk mempertahankan akses kekuasaan dan memanfaatkan sumber daya yang dikuasai. Pemuda Pancasila tetap ingin memperoleh akses sumber daya yang dikuasai negara di tingkat lokal. Sementara, para pejabat birokrasi, pengusaha, dan pengelola media cetak lokal membutuhkan kekuatan Pemuda Pancasila untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan dan usaha mereka seperti menghindari ancaman dan menjaga keamanan di lokasi-lokasi kekuasaan dan usaha mereka. The background of this study is the emergence of “gangsters”—some of whom were cadres of Pemuda Pancasila—as local actors who played an important role to support Syamsul Arifin as governor candidates in North Sumatera. They rely intimidated with violence and money to gain access resources from the local government and maximize them. This study used qualitative methods that would explain network relation models of Pemuda Pacasila used as capital backed winning candidate for governor. The qualitative analysis with typology technique is chosen as a way to arrange interpretations on data—written materials, in depth interviews, and observations. The findings showed that the network relation models among Pemuda Pancasila, bureaucracy, businessman, and local print media was performed based on mutualistic symbiosis. Interwoven network of relationships is done in stepwise manner, interlocking, full of intrigue, and power to maintain access and utilize resources owned. Pemuda Pancasila still want to gain resources accsess that local state controlled. While bureaucrats, businessman, and local media managers need strength of Pemuda Pancasila to maintain their power and attempt to avoid such threats and security at sites and their efforts.
PROPAGANDA POLITIK HOAKS DALAM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN TAHUN 2019 Tahir, Rahman; Kusmanto, Heri; Amin, Muryanto
PERSPEKTIF Vol 9, No 2 (2020): PERSPEKTIF Juli
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v9i2.3458

Abstract

The purpose of this research is to find out and analyze the use of hoax propaganda, material or content and patterns of its use in the 2019 Presidential Election. Qualitative methods are used in this research to seek knowledge or understanding of various related relations behind a reality in the new media era, text studies and news documentation and articles about hoax news that can influence the public and can hinder and influence the substance of democracy itself. The results showed that the purpose of hoaks political propaganda in addition to influencing the public was also done to change the negative image into positive or vice versa, in order to increase the electability and popularity of the candidates supported. material or content that is used as propaganda hoaks is material or content that contains SARA, personal, uses a pattern of nicknames, transfers, lure, popular narrative by using news / information content which is negative in nature and even sometimes contains lies using hoax propaganda patterns that are used in the 2019 presidential election. The pattern of the use of hoax propaganda is exhaled in new media by repetitive and continuous ways to change cognitive thinking and arouse the emotions of people who do not understand the deepening of politics.
Propaganda Politik Hoaks dalam Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2019 Tahir, Rahman; Kusmanto, Heri; Amin, Muryanto
PERSPEKTIF Vol 9, No 2 (2020): PERSPEKTIF Juli
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v9i2.3458

Abstract

The purpose of this research is to find out and analyze the use of hoax propaganda, material or content and patterns of its use in the 2019 Presidential Election. Qualitative methods are used in this research to seek knowledge or understanding of various related relations behind a reality in the new media era, text studies and news documentation and articles about hoax news that can influence the public and can hinder and influence the substance of democracy itself. The results showed that the purpose of hoaks political propaganda in addition to influencing the public was also done to change the negative image into positive or vice versa, in order to increase the electability and popularity of the candidates supported. material or content that is used as propaganda hoaks is material or content that contains SARA, personal, uses a pattern of nicknames, transfers, lure, popular narrative by using news / information content which is negative in nature and even sometimes contains lies using hoax propaganda patterns that are used in the 2019 presidential election. The pattern of the use of hoax propaganda is exhaled in new media by repetitive and continuous ways to change cognitive thinking and arouse the emotions of people who do not understand the deepening of politics.
RELASI JARINGAN ORGANISASI PEMUDA DALAM PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR SUMATERA UTARA Amin, Muryanto
Komunitas Vol 6, No 1 (2014): March 2014
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v6i1.2951

Abstract

Penelitian ini dilatari oleh munculnya para ”preman” sebagai aktor lokal di Sumatera Utara yang berperan mendukung Syamsul Arifin sebagai calon Gubernur Sumatera Utara tahun 2008. Sebagian aktor lokal itu berasal dari kader Pemuda Pancasila. Mereka mengandalkan kekerasan dan uang yang dimiliki untuk memperoleh serta memaksimalkan akses sumber daya dari pemerintah daerah. Untuk menjelaskan model relasi jaringan yang digunakan Pemuda Pancasila sebagai modal memenangkan calon gubernur yang didukung, penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pendekatan studi kasus dan analisis tipologi dipilih sebagai sebagai cara untuk menyusun interpretasi atas data tertulis, wawancara dan observasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa model relasi yang terjalin antara Pemuda Pancasila dengan birokrasi, pengusaha, dan media cetak lokal dilakukan atas dasar hubungan yang saling menguntungkan atau simbiosis mutualisme. Jalinan relasi jaringan tersebut dilakukan dengan cara yang beragam, saling mengait, dan penuh intrik untuk mempertahankan akses kekuasaan dan memanfaatkan sumber daya yang dikuasai. Pemuda Pancasila tetap ingin memperoleh akses sumber daya yang dikuasai negara di tingkat lokal. Sementara, para pejabat birokrasi, pengusaha, dan pengelola media cetak lokal membutuhkan kekuatan Pemuda Pancasila untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan dan usaha mereka seperti menghindari ancaman dan menjaga keamanan di lokasi-lokasi kekuasaan dan usaha mereka. The background of this study is the emergence of “gangsters”—some of whom were cadres of Pemuda Pancasila—as local actors who played an important role to support Syamsul Arifin as governor candidates in North Sumatera. They rely intimidated with violence and money to gain access resources from the local government and maximize them. This study used qualitative methods that would explain network relation models of Pemuda Pacasila used as capital backed winning candidate for governor. The qualitative analysis with typology technique is chosen as a way to arrange interpretations on data—written materials, in depth interviews, and observations. The findings showed that the network relation models among Pemuda Pancasila, bureaucracy, businessman, and local print media was performed based on mutualistic symbiosis. Interwoven network of relationships is done in stepwise manner, interlocking, full of intrigue, and power to maintain access and utilize resources owned. Pemuda Pancasila still want to gain resources accsess that local state controlled. While bureaucrats, businessman, and local media managers need strength of Pemuda Pancasila to maintain their power and attempt to avoid such threats and security at sites and their efforts.
Teori Strategi Kampanye Aktor: Analisis Kasus Kemenangan Emmanuel Macron Pada Pemilihan Presiden Prancis 2017 Lase, Iwan Krisman; Amin, Muryanto; Ritonga, Alwi Dahlan
Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol. 15 No. 1 (2023): Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik
Publisher : Talenta Publisher

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32734/politeia.v15i1.9189

Abstract

The year 2017 was the year in which the French state held presidential elections which are held every five years. Presidential elections in France are referred to as Executive elections. Executive elections are held to elect Président de la République dan Prémier Minister. The issue of frexit, the issue of immigrants, and the issue of the economy became the main themes used by the candidates in their campaigns. After going through a fierce battle since the first round and continuing in the second round of the French presidential election, Emmanuel Macron won the election with a landslide victory over Marine Le Pen. This research aims to describe and analyze Emmanuel Macron's campaign strategy in the 2017 French presidential election. The method used in this research is a qualitative method with a descriptive type of research to describe in detail the subject being studied. The campaign strategy used by Emmanuel Macron is the Framing Strategy and Persuading Strategy. Macron presents counter framing by making voters afraid of the figure of Le Pen who cannot properly calculate the impact of his program, this is what Macron calls the spirit of defeat or The Spirit of Death. The Spirit of Conquest, which Macron mentions to name his vision and mission in leading France, is a persuasive strategy that Macron uses to convince voters that the interests of French citizens will be in line with his programs.
Financial Governance and Logistics in Re-Election: Case Study of the 2020 Labuhanbatu Regency KPU Panjaitan, Syaiful Rahman; Amin, Muryanto; Situmorang, Tonny P.
PERSPEKTIF Vol. 13 No. 2 (2024): PERSPEKTIF April
Publisher : Universitas Medan Area

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31289/perspektif.v13i2.9995

Abstract

This research delves into the financial and logistical management practices employed by the General Election Commission (KPU) of Labuhanbatu Regency during the 2020 Regent and Deputy Regent elections, with a particular focus on the subsequent re-voting processes. Following elections, it's common for unsuccessful candidates to contest results, leading to legal challenges and, in some cases, re-voting. Labuhanbatu Regency's experience is noteworthy as it underwent re-voting twice. Utilizing a qualitative research approach with a descriptive framework, this study reveals that the financial and logistical governance by the Labuhanbatu KPU was effectively executed, ensuring smooth re-voting procedures, minimizing the likelihood of errors, and bolstering public trust in democratic processes. Recommendations stemming from this research advocate for the recruitment of polling station (TPS) officers based on merit and experience to enhance service quality. Moreover, it underscores the importance of sustaining effective financial and logistical management practices to preempt future re-voting scenarios, even in the absence of significant hurdles.