Articles
<![CDATA[Democratic Transition in Local Indonesia: An Overview of Ten Years Democracy ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 15, No 3 (2012): Dinamika Politik Desentralisasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article attempts to map out the current situation of democracy in Indonesia, especially at local levels. This map is based on a simple question: the extent to which 10 years of the democratization process in Indonesia has led the country closer towards effective democratic governance. It concludes that an effective democratic government is far from being realized. Moreover, this article shows a paradox in the development of local politics in Indonesia, on the one hand there has been political liberalization which is assumed as a prerequisite for the realization of democratic governance, but on the other hand, the development of local democracy in Indonesia seemed to stop at its infancy stage. The reasons behind this failure are vary, but in principle related to the symptoms that some scientists called as a "broken linkage" a syndrome in which the forces of modern intermediary fails to perform its functions in linking demos with public affairs.]]>
<![CDATA[Nilai Strategis Isu Lingkungan dalam Politik Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2007): Dinamika Politik Lingkungan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Environmental issues have been central in the current global potitics and discourse. Furthermore, environment has been set as one of the most important global constitution. Environmental issues have created a complex political network across the world. In Indonesia, howaver, environmental issues have not been seen as central in policy making processes. This paper shows how in most of policy making processes environmental issues end up merely with documents and rhetoric rather than political actions. This paper also argues that politics should be used to deal with paradox in managing environment: gaining benefit and minimizing risk.]]>
<![CDATA[Pilkada Langsung dan Pendalaman Demokrasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 11, No 1 (2007): Demokrasi Mencari Bentuk ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article asses the implication of direct local executive election (Pilkada Langsung) toward deepining democracy in Indonesia. Based on rapid appraisal study on the first wave of Pilkada Langsung in Indonesia during 2005, this paper argues that the free, fair and non violence process in the series of Pilkada Langsung to some extent indicates a maturity in Indonesian democraacy. The weakness on regulations and lack of managerial skills of local electoral commissions are still major obstacle that prevent further development of democracy. Furthermore,this paper suggests that Pikada Langsung should be placed not only in procedura; processes but to promote democracy in a more substantive way and as a strategy to develop effective local governance]]>
<![CDATA[Kekerasan Atas Nama Agama: Perspektif Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 13, No 1 (2009): Konflik dan Perdamaian ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Violence is a political and sociological phenomena. It occurs either horizontally and vertically in many dimensions and characteristics. For years Indonesia has experienced various cases related to violence. Certain kind of violence, such as religion based violence, occurs more frequently and involving state and political interests. This paper discusses about the religion based violence phenomena and shows that religion is often used to justify the action and political interest of certain groups in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Rancangan Undang-Undang Politik Baru: Sebuah Tinjauan Kritis ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 2, No 2 (1998) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Artikel ini menyoroti paket rancangan UU politik baru yang disusun oleh Tim-7 yang dibentuk pemerintah sesaat sebelum kejatuhan Soeharto. Kesimpulan umum yang bisa dibenkan adalah, bahwa RUUpoliak baru ini sangat radikal dalam substansi dan kapasitas untuk menfasilitasi proses demokratisasi di Indonesia. Sekalipun demikian, kenga RUU yang ada masih dihantui oleh sejumlah ambivalensi sikap sebagai akthat dan tekanan kepentingan politik tentara, pengandaian yang keliru tentang tentara dan analisis yang dihantai trauma masa lalu tentang potensi disintegrasi nasional clan instabilitas politik yang diandaikan secara keliru bersumberpada kehadiran partai kecil dan partai partai berbasis lokal.]]>
<![CDATA[Komnas HAM Dan HAM Di Bawah Rejim Otoritarian ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratikno, -]]>;
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 2, No 3 (1999) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Pada saat pernbentukannya, Komnas HAM dipandang tidak berbeda dengan lembaga korparads negara Iainnya, yakni menjadi agen pemerintah untuk para anggotanya. khususnya para aktivis HAM dan meted tuntutan penegakkan HAM di Indonesia yang saat itu terus menguat. Melalui tulisan ini ditunjukkan bahwa Komnas HAM mampu mandiri dari penetrasi pernerintah, dan bersikap kritis terhadap pernerintah dalam kasus politik yang sangat senskif sekalipun. Sumbangan energi untuk membangun kemandirian tersebut terutama terletak pada komitmen dan kredibilitas individu anggota Komnas HAM, variasi keahlian dan akses, serta kemampuan untuk mengembangkan etika organisasi yang kondusif bagi pelaksanaan togas penegakkan HAM Namun demikian, penulis berargumentasi bahwa demi menjaga komitmen dan kemandinan lembaga, Komnas HAM menghadapi beberapa permasalahan serius yang harus segera ditangani. Pertama, menyangkut status hukum lembaga itu. Kedua, menyangkut sumber energi yang selama ini masih menekankan pada kapasitas individual Ketiga, menyangkut perlunya pengembangan mekanisme rekrutmen anggota baru yang lebih terbuka di mana opini publik Baru terhambat]]>
<![CDATA[Reformasi Konstitusi Dalam Transisi Menuju Demokrasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>;
<![CDATA[Savirani, Amalinda]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 1 (2000): Reformasi Kelembagaan Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Constitutional reform is one of the most important ways undertaken by some transitional regime to establish a democratic government. This kind of reform has many models. In Spain i t is called reforma pactada-ruptura pactada involving "negotiation" among elite, and a "rupture" from the previous regime whose legacy cannot be maintained any longer. The similar model, with different stressing, also took place in Taiwan. As Indonesia is now facing its critical moment in managing political transition following a thirty-two-year authoritarian regime of New Order, a comparative study is valuable in giving inspiration on what route should be pondered. One important political decision to be taken is to reform the constitution, namely the UUD 45. Since its broad and open-to-interpretation character and its executive-heavy, the constitution is easily manipulated Yet, the constitutional reform idea has been critical as it is suspiced by certain groups with its concern on the total changing of the law, and also because the law has been merely a sacred text which left no chance to be reformed. This article suggests that the constitutional reform is possible, it is even a must, as long it is still in the path of the preambule as other country cases had shown how significant the constitutional reform for the process of democratization.]]>
<![CDATA[Perkembangan Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 9, No 2 (2005): Potret Ilmu-ilmu Sosial ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Significant development colors the scope of study of politic and government. This ranges from the dynamic of government institutions and the formal government institutions to wider aspects of state, society and market including the relationships of these aspects. The following discusses the dorninant discourse of governance in political science and particularly in the study of government.]]>
<![CDATA[Antara Anarki dan Demokrasi: Masalah Kekerasan Politik di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 3, No 3 (2000): Kekerasan, Keberdayaan, dan Demokrasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[A critical analysis of how the New Order state has established its power basis and how the power has been utilised and abused leads us to conclude that anarchy is a rational response to the states actions. Democracy, as a non-violent scheme of conflict management, is hampered by the formation of consolidated anarchy. Democratization leaves us with an agenda for mollifying violent.]]>
<![CDATA[Nasionalisme dan Negara Bangsa ]]>
<![CDATA[Lay, Cornelis]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2006): Respon terhadap Tantangan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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<![CDATA[Current issues and challenges have placed nationalism into a dificult position. This leads to the dichotomy oftribalism and globalism or between fragmentation and integration. In Indonesia, the difficult position of nationalism may result from the view that nationalism is equal to a political stream, is interpreted internally, is applied to various interests and means anti-foreign investment. This arcticle discusses the requirements to use civil administration and self-conscious patriotism for understanding nationalism.]]>
