Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik
POLITICON is a multi-disciplined journal focused on the study of political science, governance issues and public policy in and on Indonesia and Asia. The journal publishes theoretical and empirical research articles with an aim to promote and disseminate academic atmosphere in and on the region. The journal has areas of concern that includes political science, Indonesian politics, Asian politics, governance issues in Indonesia and Asia, public policy in Indonesia and Asia, decentralization, political parties and national and local election. The journal publication includes articles, research notes, notices on conferences, workshops and seminars, and book reviews.
Articles
54 Documents
<![CDATA[The Political Movement of the Muhammadiyah Youth Exponent in Supports the Precident and Vice Precident Candidates in the General Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Velandani Prakoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Misran Alfarabi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ridho Alhamdi]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 1 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i1.16677
<![CDATA[This research focuses on the political movement strategy carried out by young Muhammadiyah exponents who have gathered in the Progressing Indonesia House (RIB) and the Indonesian Pencerah Alliance (API). Young Muhammadiyah exponents in this case are young Muhammadiyah cadres who have attended the cadre process and structurally have served in Muhammadiyah autonomous organizations. In reading the strategies of the political movement, a theoritical framwork is used, namely the structure of political opportunities, mobilization of resources, and framing of collective action. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach and the analysis uses the Nvivo 12 Plus software. The research data were obtained from the results of interviews, document studies, and previous research which were related to each other. The results of this study indicate that young Muhammadiyah cadres realize that the Muhammadiyah Association is currently increasingly occupying a strategic position, both in its existence and as a strategic partner of the government. The growth and development of this awareness has spurred the construction of strategic, tactical, and futuristic thinking amidst many strategic choices and political articulations. The emergence of a political movement in the 2019 presidential election which was initiated by Muhammadiyah young exponential cadres is proof that there is a polarization that occurs in Muhammadiyah young cadres and indirectly becomes a fighting arena for cadres who are diaspora in the realm of national politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Mahyeldi-Audy Political Marketing Innovation During the Covid-19 Pandemic During the 2020 West Sumatra Regional Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Rian Handika]]>;
<![CDATA[Al Rafni]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 1 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i1.16719
<![CDATA[This study discusses the political marketing innovation of the Mahyeldi-Audy couple in the face of the 2020 West Sumatra Provincial Election during the Covid-19 period. The victory obtained by the Mahyeldi-Audy couple is a manifestation of the success of political marketing that has been carried out. This study aims to describe and analyze the political marketing strategy of the Mahyeldi-Audy pair in the 2020 West Sumatra gubernatorial election contestation. In researching the author, the author uses the theoretical framework of Niffenegger's 4P political marketing and Adman Nursal's 3P. This research is in the form of a qualitative descriptive. To obtain the data, it was obtained through in-depth interviews with the informants and coupled with a literature study which was then analyzed using theory. The results of this study indicate that the Mahyeldi-Audy pair runs a 4P marketing mix (product, promotion, place, and price). Strong political products can be seen from the figures, candidate backgrounds, vision and mission and work programs that are in accordance with the needs of the community. Effective promotions by both Mahyeldi-Audy and the winning team using push, pass, and pull marketing methods. The use of minimal material resources but with maximum results. Placement, mapping and segmenting voters as well as creating a good image and being able to place oneself at every level of society. The success of the Mahyeldi-Audy pair in winning the 2020 West Sumatra gubernatorial election was due to being able to design and execute a structured, creative and innovative political marketing strategy during the COVID-19 pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[State Capital Relocation and National Rice Field Prospects: Indonesian Agricultural Politics in an Era of Disruptive Innovation ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasan Mustapa]]>;
<![CDATA[Nanang Zulkarnaen]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohammad Hadi Asykur Baraka]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18070
<![CDATA[For Indonesia, relocating the national capital is one option for improving food security. Although, statistically, the ministry of agriculture's flagship program appears to have succeeded in increasing exports. Budget policies are actually shrinking in the field, and agricultural land is eroding. In addition, the state continues to import a number of strategic commodities such as rice and soybeans. The challenges of the innovation disruption era must be met with optimism. This paper seeks to understand how Indonesian agricultural politics can adapt to the era of disruptive innovation. The results of the analysis, conducted using a qualitative approach, show that: (a) the country's agricultural politics have so far been unable to produce new players capable of competing with the old players (incumbents), (b) the national agricultural strategy has not been able to present companies and entrepreneurs with disruptive innovation capabilities, (c) agricultural industry policy innovation is still limited, so it cannot promise lower margins and profits. Finally, the relocation of the capital city must be followed by the creation of creative paddy fields and an effective agricultural budget allocation strategy. A favorable ecosystem must be created to encourage the development of new competitive companies and new millennial farmers who are ready to face the Industrial Revolution 4.0. The private sector must also be involved in order to balance the government's and banks' suboptimal roles. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Intersection between China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Indonesia's Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) after Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Septyanto Galan Prakoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadia Dian Ardita]]>;
<![CDATA[Retnaningtyas Puspitasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Ferdian Ahya Al Putra]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18257
<![CDATA[In response to the current condition of political and economic conditions in Southeast Asia, this article will elaborate on the intersection between China’s and Indonesia’s foreign policy on two sides, negative and positive intersection by understanding the foreign policy vision of each country's policy. This study tries to explain the intersection of Belt Road Initiative (BRI) by China with Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) of Indonesia by using qualitative methods and collected data from library research. To deepen the understanding of how both states implemented their foreign policy, media analysis and national interest concept are used. The result indicates that Indonesia needs to respond to the foreign policy of China carefully. Moreover, the COVID-19 outbreak has altered the development of events on how the two missions from each country collide. Although every decision Indonesia has made regarding China’s BRI policy will not harm Indonesia’s national interest in the future, Indonesia will still have to tread carefully and imply wise decisions in its foreign policy, especially during the recovery period of COVID-19 pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Green Politics for a Better Earth ]]>
<![CDATA[Mintu Mondal]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.17511
<![CDATA[Our blue planet provides immeasurable treasures for livelihood, and it is sensible and tolerant. We are degrading our living place for the benefit of material continuance. The material continuance gives us physical pleasures a lot. On the other hand, it creates an eroded future. In this regard, we raise the question of why we are pushing up the blue planet on the line of destruction. We have to take care of the Earth for a better future. For this cause, we have pursued a new paradigm of decision-making instrument as the 'Green Politics' to cope with the material continuance of gatherings. The Green politics question how the tangible exertion for happenings eroded our living places. Once more, it tries to maintain social justice in societies regarding Green political problems. The research paper has gone through reflective research methods.]]>
<![CDATA[Effects of Money Politics on Party Primaries in Nigerian 2019 General Election: Reflections on All Progressives Congress (APC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP) ]]>
<![CDATA[Babayo Sule]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18574
<![CDATA[Money politics has become an acceptable norm and a part of Nigerian political culture before and after the conduct of general elections since the resurgence of the democratic rule in the Fourth Republic (1999). The nature and dimension of money politics have taken a new picture in Nigerian politics during the party primaries in preparation for the 2019 General Election, particularly between the two major contending parties; the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who were involved in excessive use of money unprecedented in the history of Nigerian politics during the party primaries in September and October 2018. This work investigated the role of money in determining the outcome of party primaries in Nigeria in the ruling APC and the major opposition PDP and how it will affect the General Election in 2019. The research used a quantitative method of data collection and analysis. Both the primary and secondary sources were used during the conduct of the research. The data obtained were grouped in a thematic form where a simple tabular percentage was used for interpretations and results. The research discovered that there was an extraordinary deployment of money from the state-owned resources by politicians to arrest their campaign expenses and political ambition. In the process, vote-buying and excessive spending violated the electoral process and deprived the electorates of getting credible candidates in the parties' primaries. The research recommends that there is a need for a more aggressive and severe sanction on all politicians that are found in this evil act. The work also realized the serious need for massive public enlightenment on the evil of money politics.]]>
<![CDATA[A Strategy for Asymmetrical Measures to Reduce Bribery in Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdullah Al Mahmud]]>;
<![CDATA[Minhazur Rahman Rezvi]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.17593
<![CDATA[Bangladesh is one of the most corrupt countries with a rampant bribery scenario. In the public service sector of this country, service is almost considered to be unattainable without bribing the service providers. From the viewpoint of specialists and ad-hoc academicians, symmetric punishment measure has been a failed mechanism to stop rampant bribery. This study initially pondered the reasoning behind the severity of the bribery scenario in Bangladesh using the dataset of the National Households Survey's 2017 (NHS) of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB). It analyzed the legal jurisdictions of bribery especially the penal code 1860. In this study, following Basu argument on the asymmetric punishment system (harassment bribe) for India, an asymmetric punishment measure has been proposed through a game theoretical explanation about how it will work for Bangladesh instead of the current symmetric one. This game-theoretical analysis shows that asymmetric punishment is more efficient for reducing rampant bribery in a country than symmetric punishment. The study suggests the government initiate an asymmetric punishment policy on bribery with a strict punitive measure and monitoring of bribe-taking which, with a qualitative approach and case study.]]>
<![CDATA[An Assessment of Women’s Participation in South Africa’s Foreign Policy Decision-Making and Execution ]]>
<![CDATA[Ipeleng Mamokete Nwafor]]>;
<![CDATA[Lere Amusan]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 4, No 2 (2022): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v4i2.18067
<![CDATA[This study aims to assess women's participation in decision-making and implementation of South African foreign policy. This research is motivated by the significant dominance of male gender participation and leadership in DIRCO related to female participation since 1994. This study uses Intersectionality theory and Kanter's Theory to support this research with qualitative methods. The findings of this study indicate that women's participation is less than 50% when they hold junior positions. It found that challenges limiting women's involvement in foreign policy decision-making include unfavorable cultural and traditional norms, religious practices, lack of support for women, attitudes of influential men, financial problems, and lack of representation in politics.]]>
<![CDATA[Taliban and Afghanistan; a Systematic Literature Review ]]>
<![CDATA[Fisher Zulkarnain]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Salman Abidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Putri Habibah Abidin]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 5, No 1 (2023): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v5i1.24076
<![CDATA[This systematic literature review aims to enhance our understanding of the Taliban activities in Afghanistan and broaden our knowledge of the associated phenomenon. We employed a Systematic Literature Review protocol and sourced our data from the Scopus index, yielding 164 articles from which 91 were selected following a filtration process. Our analysis reveals that the resurgence of the Taliban and its organizational dynamics over the past four decades have had a significant impact on Afghanistan and its citizens. The majority of the studies in our dataset (52 articles) approached the phenomenon from a political perspective, with health issues being the second most explored topic (17 articles). The data collected in this study indicates that the majority of the literature discussing the Taliban and Afghanistan was qualitative in nature (89 articles). Our results suggest that the Taliban's current influence in Afghanistan is only weakly linked to religious motivations, contrary to the common media portrayal. Only a small number of studies in our dataset (3.29%, n=3) explored the ideological basis of the phenomenon. This paper underscores the need for further research to address the pressing political and health issues faced by the Afghan people and highlights the potential benefits of improved political stability and increased access to healthcare facilities.// // // // //]]>
<![CDATA[Handling of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Indonesia: Time to Power Contestation ]]>
<![CDATA[Umdatul Hasanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Ihsan Rahmat]]>;
<![CDATA[Halimatusa’diyah Halimatusa’diyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Irwan Abdullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Najahan Musyafak]]>
<![CDATA[ Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik Vol 5, No 1 (2023): Politicon : Jurnal Ilmu Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Sunan Gunung Djati ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/politicon.v5i1.25180
<![CDATA[During the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Indonesian government has shown a power contestation. The pandemic turned out to be a stage for actors and policymakers. Some policymakers use the economic approach as power, politics, and regional interests, to the medical power approach. Differences in handling between policymakers both vertically and horizontally have created confusion, counterproductive, and even conflict between parties, resulting in the slow handling of the pandemic. In line with that, this paper looks at the forms of contestation between various policymakers, both central and regional. It analyzes the factors causing the power contestation in handling the pandemic. This study uses the results of observations, searches, and readings on sources of information from various online media and previous research. It turns out that our findings show that economic power has dominated and has become a force that guarantees policies and the logic of power in handling the pandemic. This paper suggests the need to expand the cases studied and add data sources to enable a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of handling the pandemic.]]>
