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Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) Faculty of Social Science and Political Science State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta Jl. Kertamukti No.5 Pisangan Barat, Ciputat Timur, Tangerang Selatan, Banten 15419
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Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta
ISSN : 28089529     EISSN : 28088816     DOI : https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17105
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities, Science, Social,
Religion Humanities Environmental Science Physics Social Sciences
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) is a peer-reviewed, open-access journal published by the Faculty of Faculty of Social Science and Political Science, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) of Jakarta. It aims to publish research findings that relates to the social, political, and socio-cultural throughout the world and search for a possible solution regarding these issues.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 30 Documents
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AMBIVALENSI KEKUASAAN PREROGATIF PRESIDEN PASCA AMANDEMEN KONSTITUSI Laode Harjudin
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (335.803 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17104

Abstract

Abstract. This study discusses the political process relating to the issue of presidential prerogative control with an emphasis on the views and interests of the actors involved in discussing the issue. This study explains two main questions, namely how the actualization of presidential prerogative powers in Indonesia's presidential system after the constitutional amendment and what is behind the ambivalence of the president's prerogative power formulation in Indonesia's presidential system after the constitutional amendment. This study finds that constitutional amendments related to the president's prerogatives show ambivalence that distorts the prerogative meaning itself and is not strict between limiting or actually expanding the president's power. This happens because of the tug-of-war between legislative and executive interests. Behind the issue of controlling the president's prerogative powers, there is the interest of legislative institutions to equalize power with the president. Instead, the executive seeks to maintain or extend the president’s prerogative power.Keywords: Prerogative Power; Presidential; Amendment of Constitutions.Abstrak. Studi ini membahas proses politik berkaitan dengan isu pengendalian prerogatif presiden dengan penekanan pada pandangan dan kepentingan para aktor yang terlibat dalam pembahasan isu tersebut. Studi in menjelaskan dua pertanyaan pokok: (1) Bagaimana aktualisasi kekuasaan prerogatif presiden dalam sistem presidensial Indonesia pasca amandemen konstitusi? (2) Apa yang melatarbelakangi ambivalensi rumusan kekuasaan prerogatif presiden dalam sistem presidensial Indonesia pasca amandemen konstitusi? Hasil studi inii menemukan bahwa amandemen konstitusi terkait dengan prerogatif presiden menampakkan ambivalensi yang mendistorsi makna prerogatif itu sendiri dan tidak tegas antara membatasi atau justru memperluas kekuasaan presiden. Hal ini terjadi karena adanya tarik menarik antara kepentingan legislatif dan eksekutif. Di balik isu pengendalian kekuasaan prerogatif presiden, ada kepentingan institusi legislatif untuk menyetarakan kekuasaan dengan presiden. Sebaliknya, pihak eksekutif berupaya untuk mempertahankan atau mempeluas kekuasaan prerogatif presiden.Kata Kunci: Kekuasaan Prerogatif; Presidensial; Amandemen Konstitusi.
ISLAMISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF ISLAMIC POPULISM THE ROLE OF DA'WAH MEDIA IN MASS MOBILIZATION ON “BELA ISLAM” ACTION: CASE STUDIES OF DAKWAH SYARIAH RADIO (RDS FM) SOLO Ari Alfiatul Rochmah
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (417.008 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17105

Abstract

Abstract: This article aims to analyze the raft of Dakwah Syariah Radio (RDS FM) as one of the radio stations of Islamic radical movement in Solo, on mobilizing for the 'Bela Islam' actions both in Solo and Jakarta from Islamic Populism perspective. Vedi Hadiz defines Islamic populism as an asymmetrical social class movement, even with class interests that may be antagonistic and different levels of using Islam as a shared identity. To that end, the populist Islamic movement becomes a fairly recent phenomenon in which various Islamic organizations even from different platforms such as FPI, HTI, and MMI can move in a momentum. This article will examine how the RDS FM in its broadcast to mobilize participation in the anti-Ahok rally by looking at the broadcast, website, social media and brochure papers. By using qualitative method, this article try to analyze the data by deep interviewing the radio’s staffs and anchor, also the radio’s broadcast on air, on line, or by website and social media. This article argues that radicalization in a macro level such as economic and political repression, can provoke radical Muslim euphoria to the local and global history of Islamist movements by using the rhetoric of religion and the enforcement of Islamic Shari'ah to fight 'the kafir', as well as opposing the leadership of Basuki T. Purnama which is non-Muslim. Through the perspective of Islamic-populism, the politial and religious actors also use the media like radia by its broadcast and social in the process of mass moilization.Keyword: Islamic Populism; Media; Islamism; radicalism; RDS FM; Solo. Abstrak.  Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis siaran Radio Dakwah Syariah (RDS FM) sebagai salah satu stasiun radio gerakan radikal Islam di Solo, dalam menggalang aksi ‘Bela Islam’ baik di Solo maupun Jakarta dari perspektif Populisme Islam. Vedi Hadiz mendefinisikan populisme Islam sebagai gerakan kelas sosial yang asimetris, bahkan dengan kepentingan kelas yang mungkin bersifat antagonis dan tingkatan yang berbeda dalam menggunakan Islam sebagai identitas bersama. Untuk itu, gerakan Islam Populis menjadi fenomena yang cukup mutakhir di mana berbagai ormas Islam bahkan dari platform yang berbeda seperti FPI, HTI, dan MMI dapat bergerak dalam suatu momentum. Artikel ini akan mengkaji bagaimana RDS FM dalam siarannya memobilisasi partisipasi dalam unjuk rasa anti-Ahok dengan melihat siaran, situs web, media sosial, dan kertas brosur. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, artikel ini mencoba menganalisis data dengan melakukan wawancara mendalam kepada staf dan penyiar radio, juga siaran radio di udara, online, atau melalui situs web dan media sosial. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa radikalisasi di tingkat makro seperti represi ekonomi dan politik, dapat memancing euforia Muslim radikal terhadap sejarah lokal dan global gerakan Islam dengan menggunakan retorika agama dan penegakan syari’at Islam untuk melawan 'kafir'. , serta menentang kepemimpinan Basuki T. Purnama yang non-Muslim. Melalui perspektif populisme-Islam, para pelaku politik dan agama juga menggunakan media seperti radia dalam penyiarannya dan sosial dalam proses moilisasi massa.Kata Kunci: Populisme Islam; Media; Islamisasi; Radikalisme; RDS FM; Solo.
ROHINGYA’S IN SEARCH FOR SECURITY: AN INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN SECURITY CONCEPT THROUGH ROHINGYA’ LENS Riana Mardila
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (339.534 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17107

Abstract

Abstract. It is now 48 years from the declaration of 1982 Burma Citizenship Law. A law that legally denied the citizenship of (Muslim) Rohingya in Myanmar. It means also that for 48 years (Muslim) Rohingya remains stateless. Their fight over citizenship then becomes a global, or at least a regional challenge in International Relations sphere. In one aspect, their attempt in finding asylum to other countries at some point threaten the (arrival) state’ security. However, in another side, they also fight for their (human) security or even so (human)rights. Both securities are equally important. This article is more an introduction to the Human Security concept that was first initiated in 1994. It starts with a simple question on “how does Human Security explain the issue of Rohingya?” It seeks for key points that Human Security can explain by reflecting on Rohingya as the case study. It aims to give a bigger picture of this conflict interpreted by Human Security concept. Finally, as we are living in the globalization era, this issue is not only a state or regional challenge, but also a global challenge where IR actors can take responsibilities in helping and solving this human insecurity issue. Keywords: Rohingya; Human Security. Abstrak. Telah berlangsung 48 tahun sejak deklarasi Undang-undang Kewarganegaraan Burma 1982. Sebuah undang-undang yang secara hukum menolak kewarganegaraan (Muslim) Rohingya di Myanmar. Itu juga berarti bahwa selama 48 tahun (Muslim) Rohingya tetap tanpa kewarganegaraan. Perjuangan mereka atas kewarganegaraan kemudian menjadi tantangan global, atau setidaknya tantangan regional dalam ranah Hubungan Internasional. Di satu aspek, upaya mereka untuk mencari suaka ke negara lain pada titik tertentu mengancam keamanan (kedatangan) negara. Namun di sisi lain, mereka juga memperjuangkan keamanan (manusia) atau bahkan lebih (hak asasi manusia). Kedua sekuritas itu sama pentingnya. Artikel ini lebih merupakan pengenalan tentang konsep Keamanan Manusia yang pertama kali dimulai pada tahun 1994. Artikel ini dimulai dengan pertanyaan sederhana tentang "bagaimana Keamanan Manusia menjelaskan masalah Rohingya?" Ini mencari poin-poin penting yang dapat dijelaskan oleh Human Security dengan merefleksikan Rohingya sebagai studi kasus. Hal ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran yang lebih besar tentang konflik yang ditafsirkan oleh konsep Human Security. Terakhir, saat kita hidup di era globalisasi, masalah ini tidak hanya menjadi tantangan negara atau regional, tetapi juga tantangan global di mana para aktor IR dapat mengambil tanggung jawab dalam membantu dan menyelesaikan masalah ketidakamanan manusia ini.Kata Kunci. Rohingya; Keamanan Manusia.
GERAKAN SOSIAL MUHAMMADIYAH DI ERA REFORMASI Muhammad Ruhul Amin; Kamarudin .
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (402.113 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17108

Abstract

Abstract. Aksi Bela Islam movement showed the ‘umat’ power involve democratization in Indonesia as a third big of democracy state in the world. Social movement that have characteristic such as solidarity for a same resistance showed by aksi Bela Islam movement fascinately. But, many accusation that this action contain political, make some big Islamic organization said that they not involved in this action directly, one of the organization is Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah is an Islamic organization be known by his role in education, health and social serviced, still should take the role as one of civil society power in the condition of ‘umat’ in Indonesia at that time. This draft analyze that how the Muhammadiyah take his different gesture and way by said not involved indirectly in organization. Using resources mobilization theory that one of factor in social movement, was found that Muhammadiyah’s resources participate in social movement that materialized by Aksi Bela Islam. The member of Muhammadiyah, the facilities, and figure from some leader of Muhammadiyah participating of succes the Aksi Bela Islam movement. Muhammadiyah just take different way roled as civil society by involved indirectly in social movement with others Islamic organization. The research is using qualitative method.Keywords: Aksi Bela Islam; Muhammadiyah; Social Movement; Resources Mobilization. Abstrak. Gerakan Aksi Bela Islam menunjukan kemampuan umat Islam dalam berdemokrasi di Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi terbesar ketiga di dunia. Gerakan sosial dengan ciri solidaritas untuk suatu penentangan yang sama ditunjukan dengan cara mengagumkan lewat aksi Bela Islam. Namun banyaknya tudingan aksi ini bernuansa politis, membuat beberapa organisasi besar Islam menyatakan tidak melibatkan diri secara langsung dalam gerakan tersebut, salah satunya adalah Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah yang dikenal sebagai organisasi Islam yang berperan secara kultural lewat pendidikan, kesehatan dan pelayanan sosial, harus mengambil peran sebagai civil society di tengah kondisi umat Islam di Indonesia saat itu. Tulisan ini mengurai bagaimana organisasi besar Islam Muhammadiyah mengambil sikap dan cara berbeda dengan menyatakan diri tidak terlibat secara langsung secara keorganisasian. Menggunakan teori mobilisasi sumberdaya yang menjadi salah satu faktor dalam gerakan sosial, ditemukan bahwa sumber daya Muhammadiyah turut serta dalam gerakan sosial yang terwujud dalam Aksi Bela Islam. Para warga Muhammadiyah, fasilitas dan ketokohan dari para tokoh Muhammadiyah ikut menyukseskan gerakan Aksi Bela Islam. Muhammdiyah telah mengambil cara lain berperan sebagai civil society dengan ikut secara tidak langsung dalam gerakan sosial bersama organisasi-organisasi Islam lainnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif.Kata Kunci: Aksi Bela Islam; Muhammadiyah; Gerakan Sosial; Mobilisasi Sumberdaya.
LANSKAP MODERASI KEAGAMAAN SANTRI, REFLEKSI POLA PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN Saifudin Asrori
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (357.614 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v1i1.17110

Abstract

Abstract. Positioning a pesantren in a series of continuum lines between liberals and conservatives, based on critical interpretations of religious texts as opposed to rigid and liberal understandings, is a misunderstanding of the landscape of religious moderation. This article elaborates on the complex process of Islamic boarding school understanding and practice in the midst of a religious shift towards a conservative direction. Through literature study based on a reading model based on maslahah on religious texts and the essence of religious texts based on the plurality of views of the schools of thought conducted by the Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. This article concludes that through preserving values through Pancajiwa and the motto of the pesantren, the integration between formal and informal curricula places Gontor's position as a moderate educational institution.Keywords: Islamic Moderation, Maslah, curriculum, PMDG, Indonesia. Abstrak. Memposisikan sebuah pesantren dalam rangkaian garis kontinum antara liberal dan konservatif, berdasarkan penafsiran kritis atas teks keagamaan sebagai lawan pemahaman kaku dan liberal, menjadi salah upaya memahami lanskap moderasi keagamaan. Artikel ini mengelaborasi proses kompleks pemahaman dan praktik keagamaan pesantren di tenggah pergeseran keagamaan ke arah konservatif. Melalui studi pustaka berdasarkan model pembacaan berdasarkan maslahah atas teks-teks keagamaan dan inti dari teks keagamaan berdasarkan pluralitas pandangan madzhab yang dilakukan oleh Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa nilai-nilai dilestarikan melalui pancajiwa dan motto pesantren, intergrasi antara kurikulum formal dan informal menempatkan posisi Gontor sebagai lembaga pendidikan yang moderat. Kata Kunci: Moderasi Islam; Maslahah; Kurikulum; PMDG; Indonesia.
MODAL SOSIAL KOMUNITAS DALAM PEMBERDAYAAN EKONOMI PURNA PEKERJA MIGRAN PEREMPUAN Arif Rofiuddin; Ida Ruwaida
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (4140.83 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19029

Abstract

Abstract: This study aims to determine the empowerment carried out by the community in increasing the economic and social capacity of former female migrant workers. The research design used was descriptive qualitative. The research instruments included interview guides, observation guidelines and documentation. The results showed that the empowerment carried out by the community in increasing economic capacity had progressed and increased compared to before. The community here has social capital in the form of a social network in the social sphere to increase economic assets for former female migrant workers. Social capital itself has the power to capitalize social relations, including values, social networks and trust to obtain economic and social benefits.Abstrak:Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui  pemberdayaan yang dilakukan komunitas dalam meningkatkan kemampuan ekonomi dan social para mantan buruh migran perempuan. Desain penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif.Instrumen penelitian meliputi pedoman wawancara, pedoman observasi dan dokumentasi.Hasil penelitian menunjukan pemberdayaan yang dilakukan oleh komunitas dalam meningkatkan kemampuan ekonomi mengalami kemajuan dan peningkatan dibandingkan sebelumnya. Komunitas disini  memiliki modal sosial yang  berupa jaringan  social dalam lingkup social untuk  menaikan asset ekonomi bagi para mantan buruh migran perempuan. Modal social sendiri memiliki kekuatan dalam mengkapitalisasiakn relasi-relasi social, mencakup nilai-norma, jaringan social dan kepercayaan untuk memperoleh keuntungan ekonomi dan social.
THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IN PREVENTING HUMAN RIGHTS AND SEXUAL ABUSE IN JAMMU-KASHMIR CONFLICT Foday Yarbou
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2657.131 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19031

Abstract

AbstractThe conflict between Jammu and Kashmir has acquired a multifaceted character. On one hand, the conflict involves national and territorial contestations between India and Pakistan, and on the other, it entails different kinds of human rights abuses and various political demands by religious, linguistic, regional, and ethnic groups in both parts. This article aims to portrait the images and human rights abuses meted on the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It also urges and pleads to India and Pakistan and all those countries who are taking part directly or indirectly in the territorial disputes or conflict in the region of Jammu and Kashmir to end the conflict. Human rights abuse such as torture, rape, sexual harassment, murder, and unnecessary killings of the people of this region were all condemned by the author of this article. He further requests the international community such as the United Nation to take a bold step in settling the conflict in that region by passing an effective resolution at the international level that will put an end to the conflict. In this article, the author uses a qualitative research method to explore different journals and write up of scholars in finding tangible solutions to the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. The author also uses a theoretical explanation in the article. The result of this article intends to see that all the main concerning points raised in this write-up are fully considered and implemented by the United Nation in bringing peace and stability in the region of Jammu and Kashmir. Conflict in this region has become a worrying issue in the international community and the necessary steps should be taken to bring it to halt.
HAS THE US POLICY BEEN MORE ANTI-IRANIAN THAN PRO-ARAB WITH THE FALL OF THE SHAH? A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS Ilmi Dwiastuti
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2544.291 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19032

Abstract

AbstractSince the fall of the Shah, the US-Iran relations have changed significantly. During the Shah regime, US-Iran experience a warm relationship through economic and military partnerships, however, it changed since the Iran revolution until today. Iran turned out to be one of the axis of evil during the Bush administration. The fall of the Shah also changes the direction of the foreign policy of the US. It then led to the proposition of whether the US foreign policy has been more anti-Iranian than pro-Arab with the fall of the Shah. This paper seeks to answer this question through historical analysis. It examines the US policy during the Cold War era and the post-Cold War. Therefore, the US policy in the region is not always anti-Iranian than the pro-Arab case. The changed regional architecture influences the priorities of the President of the US at that time to put aside Iran's issue, as it happened on George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama administration. Thus, the characteristic of the leader also heavily influences US posture in Iran, as Bush and Trump's personality and policies are clearly against Iran. However, despite the dynamic relations of the US-Iran, Iran has always been one of the threats for the US interest in the Persian Gulf since the Shah has fallen.
IMPLIKASI KEBIJAKAN JALUR SUTRA MARITIM CINA TERHADAP KEKUATAN POROS MARITIM DUNIA INDONESIA Rahmi Fitriyanti
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (5906.237 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19033

Abstract

AbstrakKebijakan Jalur Sutra Maritim (JSM) Abad ke-21 dalam masa kepemimpinan Presiden Cina, Xi Jinping yang mulai diperkenalkan pada Oktober 2013 bertujuan mensponsori pembangunan prasarana transportasi laut dari Cina melintasi Asia Tenggara ke Asia Selatan, Timur Tengah, Eropa, dan Afrika. Cina berupaya melindungi rute JSM secara ekspansif agar dapat mengendalikan jalur pelayaran strategis dunia (Sea Line of Communications/SLOCs), pasar untuk produk Cina (market), serta sumber daya alam untuk energi, bahan mentah, dan bahan baku ke Cina (resources). Tujuannya adalah mewujudkan ambisi “Chinese Dream”. Kebijakan tersebut menimbulkan implikasi bagi kekuatan maritim Indonesia yang juga menerapkan visi Poros Maritim Dunia (PMD) sebagai “pusat” kegiatan ekonomi maritim regional dan global sejak awal era Presiden Joko Widodo pada 2014. Fenomena ini menimbulkan pertanyaan, yakni “Mengapa kebijakan Jalur Sutra Maritim Cina berimplikasi terhadap kekuatan Poros Maritim Dunia Indonesia?” Oleh karena itu, fokus tulisan ini adalah mengkaji implikasi kebijakan JSM Cina terhadap kekuatan PMD Indonesia. Analisanya dibatasi hanya pada implementasi kebijakan JSM yang mempengaruhi secara negatif berbagai aspek internal dan eksternal kekuatan maritim Indonesia. Landasan teori yang digunakan adalah Sea Power dan Kebijakan Luar Negeri.
DINAMIKA TERORISME DI INDONESIA STUDI TENTANG LOKALISASI IDEOLOGI EKSTERNAL Vanny El Rahman
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI) JISI: Vol. 1, No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (6427.089 KB) | DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19034

Abstract

AbstrakThe terrorism movement in Indonesia has developed from time to time. It perceived when comparing the perceptions of The Indonesian Islamic State from each group. Darul Islam, the root of the extremism movement, echoed the narrative of jihad against the colonialist. They believed that theocracy was an ideal state construction amidst the disappointing policies of the Central Government at the beginning of independence. In the meantime, the perception of Jemaah Islamiyah towards an Islamic state was full of Salafi nuances because they believed that its establishment as an obligation for every Muslim. Meanwhile, Jemaah Ansharul Daulah noticed The Indonesian Islamic State as only part of a global caliphate. The author argues that this dynamic is caused by the phenomenon of ideological internalisation. By combining localization theory and ideological concepts, this article concluded that the ideological localization of external radicalism occurred for three reasons, namely moral compliance to adopt a more argumentative ideology, rational calculations of strategies that can be implemented in the local context and temporary strategies to maintain group existence.

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