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INDONESIA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Published by Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ISSN : 19078374     EISSN : 23378220     DOI : 10.18196/jgp
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
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Articles 12 Documents
 1   2 
Search results for , issue "Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016" : 12 Documents clear
United States Counterterrorism on ISIS MINARDI, ANTON
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (406.606 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0027

Abstract

The U.S. counter terrorism on ISIS had implemented with various strategies including degrading ISIS’s capability, shaping global coalition to defeat ISIS, and using trained military armed men for Iraq army forces, Kurdi army, Arabian army, and moderate opposition groups to fight against Bassar. In early 2015, U.S. government described the group as “losing this fight” and reported that anti-ISIS operations had killed more than 8,500 fighters, destroyed hundreds of vehicles and heavy weapons systems, and significantly degraded IS command and control capabilities. Unfortunately, ISIS still exists with their weapons. Moreover, the fear against ISIS and the worst conditions it brings are not exclusive in Syria, Iraq and Libya as the conflict has already spread to many countries in Europe. These countries are in dilemma because despite being affected by the conflict, still they intend to give asylum to the refugees, but their concern is that with refugees coming in, there might be exporting of ISIS’s ideologies which leads to bigger and more serious concerns than the possibility of economic instability. Inevitably, there have been questions regarding the existence of ISIS today: How can groups such as ISIS still exists despite being attacked for 3 years by the U.S? The reality is that the U.S. initiated the establishment of new and democratic governments in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya few years ago bothers some experts on the continuing existence of ISIS.
The ‘Realness’ Discourse of a Political Leader: A Komunikasi Berasa Perspective WIJAYA, BAMBANG SUKMA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (722.76 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0032

Abstract

This article examines the communication style of the former Governor of Jakarta and presidential candidate during the 2014 Indonesian election, Joko Widodo (known as Jokowi), both as a discourse and communication model that affects trustworthiness and meaningfulness of the audiences toward the conveyed messages.This communication model is called Komunikasi Berasa [‘sensed-communication’ or ‘experientially-meaningful communication’], which synergises the delivery and verification of a message through audiences’ experience towards the meaning of the message. Using discursive and descriptive survey approaches, the author found out that Jokowi’s sensed-communication is not perceived solely on blusukan [impromptu visits], but also on the verbal messages of his political campaigns. Media texts display more sensed-rational and sensed-sensorial discourse, whilst people see sensed-relevance and sensed-beneficial as the prominent factors in the sensed-message that Jokowi sent. The results of this research could be used as a reference in implementing a strategy to get audiences’ trust through Komunikasi Berasa or sensed-communication.
Mobilizing Resources but Still Mining for Opportunities?: Indigenous Peoples, their Land and the Philippine State VILLANUEVA, PRINCE AIAN G.; RUANTO, ANFERNEE P
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (177.977 KB)

Abstract

The Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KAMP) or theNational Alliance of Indigenous Peoples’ Organization in the Philippines is almost in their 30 years of existence and yet, like in most cases of indigenouspeoples’ issues, there is still no significant number of studies about their role incampaigning for the betterment of the Indigenous Cultural Communities. Anchored on political opportunity structures theory as a guide, the basic motivation of the paper is to illustrate how the KAMP fights and survives through resource mobilization and how the government – represented by National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) and Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) accommodate their interests. Using archival research, secondary data analysis, elite interview and participant observation, the paper asserts that KAMP’s use of their organizational structure, advocacy campaigns and political assaults as their basic resources to fight for the Nueva Vizcaya Mining issue are relatively insufficient to a centralist and relatively closed government, despite the presence of democratic institutions. The ability of the Philippine government to strike the balance between development and indigenous peoples’ rights protection shall remain to be a defining feature if not a challenge to the quality of democracy and governance in our land.
Local Good Governance Sustainability: Roles of Civil Society in Surakarta City, Indonesia YUWONO, TEGUH
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (333.329 KB)

Abstract

Civil society role is often seen as less powerful agent in forming or maintaininggood governance than two dominant agents (state and private actors). This research is intended to have knowledge whether civil society can play importantroles in forming and maintaining local good governance in Surakarta City, Indonesia.  The civil society (both formally and informally associations or persons) in Surakarta city plays very pivotal roles in six sustainable elements, namely (1) by influencing policy analysis and advocacy; (2) by controlling regulations; (3) by monitoring local government actions and behavior of staff officials; (4) by enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices; (5) by mobilizing vulnerable and marginalized masses to participate more fully in politics and public affairs and finally (6) by establishing participatory development work to improve their own better life. Interestingly, there are two new factors found in the research in determining the success of sustainability of local good governance practices in Surakarta, namely informal networking or communication and spirit of togetherness. The existence of civil society (especially the informal one) in Surakarta City is a strong pillar for sustainable local good governance practices. Maintaining this strong civil society role will make it possible to guarantee the future of the good governance in Surakarta City, Indonesia.
THE INDONESIAN POLICE REFORM: POLICE IN THE REFORM ERA BASED ON NEW INSTITUTIONALISM PERSPECTIVE NURMANDI, ACHMAD; MUALLIDIN, ISNAINI; PURNOMO, EKO PRIYO; SURYANTO, SURYANTO
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1313.747 KB)

Abstract

Since the reformation and democratization movement in 1998, Indonesians have faced a chronic corruption problem. At the beginning of reformation era in1998 to fight against corruption, the Indonesian government reforms the organization structure of the Indonesia Police to be an independent body separated from the Military organization. The police reforms begun in 1999 and got legal foundation with Act No. 2/2002. However, since fourteen years, the level of police reform has not yet succeed because of low community satisfaction on police service and the intense conflicts always occur whenever ACA investigates the case of corruptions conducted by police leaders. Three conflicts between police institution and ACA have taken placed. By using institutionalism approach, this research focus on the reform in police themselves are major actors on how reforms are organized and managed. This study is interpretative in nature gained only through social constructions such as language, consciousness, shared meanings, documents, tools, and other artefacts?. This finding revealed that this unsuccessful institutionalization process took place in a context of the main task of police for communicty service. Second, the study has demonstrated that three concepts from institutional theory as aforementioned provided vocabularies and insights to explain the phenomenon under study.
The Politics of Technocracy in Malaysia (1957-2012) WEI LOH, JASON SEONG
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (369.135 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0028

Abstract

Malaysia’s technocracy (administrative elite) and the government of the day (political elite) have had and continue to enjoy a harmonious and symbiotic relationship. Such synergy had its origins and background in British colonial rule when promising Malays were groomed for administrative positions. The dawn ofmerdeka (national independence) allowed for the transition from administrativepositions to political leadership. The first three prime ministers, namely TunkuAbdul Rahman, Abdul Razak and Hussein Onn were drawn from these ranks.There was an organic development in the relationship between the ‘old’ technocrats and politicians expressed in shared strategic outlook and direction. As such, national development was characterised not by intermittent periods of political disruption but a sustained period of continuity in the pre-conditions for economic growth which extended and heightened throughout the premiership ofMahathir Mohamad. His successor, Abdullah Badawi, started to install corporatefigures as technocrats to professionalise the governance of the administrativesystem. Under Najib Razak the role of these ‘new’ technocrats was further entrenched and enhanced.
Mobilizing Resources but Still Mining for Opportunities?: Indigenous Peoples, their Land and the Philippine State PRINCE AIAN G. VILLANUEVA; ANFERNEE P RUANTO
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0031

Abstract

The Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KAMP) or theNational Alliance of Indigenous Peoples’ Organization in the Philippines is almost in their 30 years of existence and yet, like in most cases of indigenouspeoples’ issues, there is still no significant number of studies about their role incampaigning for the betterment of the Indigenous Cultural Communities. Anchored on political opportunity structures theory as a guide, the basic motivation of the paper is to illustrate how the KAMP fights and survives through resource mobilization and how the government – represented by National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) and Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) accommodate their interests. Using archival research, secondary data analysis, elite interview and participant observation, the paper asserts that KAMP’s use of their organizational structure, advocacy campaigns and political assaults as their basic resources to fight for the Nueva Vizcaya Mining issue are relatively insufficient to a centralist and relatively closed government, despite the presence of democratic institutions. The ability of the Philippine government to strike the balance between development and indigenous peoples’ rights protection shall remain to be a defining feature if not a challenge to the quality of democracy and governance in our land.
Local Good Governance Sustainability: Roles of Civil Society in Surakarta City, Indonesia TEGUH YUWONO
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0030

Abstract

Civil society role is often seen as less powerful agent in forming or maintaininggood governance than two dominant agents (state and private actors). This research is intended to have knowledge whether civil society can play importantroles in forming and maintaining local good governance in Surakarta City, Indonesia.  The civil society (both formally and informally associations or persons) in Surakarta city plays very pivotal roles in six sustainable elements, namely (1) by influencing policy analysis and advocacy; (2) by controlling regulations; (3) by monitoring local government actions and behavior of staff officials; (4) by enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices; (5) by mobilizing vulnerable and marginalized masses to participate more fully in politics and public affairs and finally (6) by establishing participatory development work to improve their own better life. Interestingly, there are two new factors found in the research in determining the success of sustainability of local good governance practices in Surakarta, namely informal networking or communication and spirit of togetherness. The existence of civil society (especially the informal one) in Surakarta City is a strong pillar for sustainable local good governance practices. Maintaining this strong civil society role will make it possible to guarantee the future of the good governance in Surakarta City, Indonesia.
The ‘Realness’ Discourse of a Political Leader: A Komunikasi Berasa Perspective BAMBANG SUKMA WIJAYA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0032

Abstract

This article examines the communication style of the former Governor of Jakarta and presidential candidate during the 2014 Indonesian election, Joko Widodo (known as Jokowi), both as a discourse and communication model that affects trustworthiness and meaningfulness of the audiences toward the conveyed messages.This communication model is called Komunikasi Berasa [‘sensed-communication’ or ‘experientially-meaningful communication’], which synergises the delivery and verification of a message through audiences’ experience towards the meaning of the message. Using discursive and descriptive survey approaches, the author found out that Jokowi’s sensed-communication is not perceived solely on blusukan [impromptu visits], but also on the verbal messages of his political campaigns. Media texts display more sensed-rational and sensed-sensorial discourse, whilst people see sensed-relevance and sensed-beneficial as the prominent factors in the sensed-message that Jokowi sent. The results of this research could be used as a reference in implementing a strategy to get audiences’ trust through Komunikasi Berasa or sensed-communication.
United States Counterterrorism on ISIS ANTON MINARDI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 2 (2016): May 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0027

Abstract

The U.S. counter terrorism on ISIS had implemented with various strategies including degrading ISIS’s capability, shaping global coalition to defeat ISIS, and using trained military armed men for Iraq army forces, Kurdi army, Arabian army, and moderate opposition groups to fight against Bassar. In early 2015, U.S. government described the group as “losing this fight” and reported that anti-ISIS operations had killed more than 8,500 fighters, destroyed hundreds of vehicles and heavy weapons systems, and significantly degraded IS command and control capabilities. Unfortunately, ISIS still exists with their weapons. Moreover, the fear against ISIS and the worst conditions it brings are not exclusive in Syria, Iraq and Libya as the conflict has already spread to many countries in Europe. These countries are in dilemma because despite being affected by the conflict, still they intend to give asylum to the refugees, but their concern is that with refugees coming in, there might be exporting of ISIS’s ideologies which leads to bigger and more serious concerns than the possibility of economic instability. Inevitably, there have been questions regarding the existence of ISIS today: How can groups such as ISIS still exists despite being attacked for 3 years by the U.S? The reality is that the U.S. initiated the establishment of new and democratic governments in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya few years ago bothers some experts on the continuing existence of ISIS.

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