Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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<![CDATA[The Rise and the Fall of Indonesia’s Climate Diplomacy: Case Study of the Joint Crediting Mechanism in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Robertua, Verdinand]]>;
<![CDATA[Sihura, Seni Rohani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91161
<![CDATA[Climate change is an urgent problem. Many countries have collaborated in mitigating the impact of climate change, including Indonesia and Japan. Both countries agreed on a scheme for cooperation in a low-carbon project, namely the Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). The implementation of JCM in Indonesia is new hope for Indonesia’s climate diplomacy in promoting clean and renewable energy. This research aims to review the application of JCM in Indonesia using the case study of the Jakabaring Solar Power Plant in Palembang. This research collected primary data through the interview with related officials, local companies, and civil society. This research showed that the Indonesian government did not consistently support clean energy development. Carbon-intensive industry players still played a dominant role in Indonesia’s climate diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Individual Foreign Policy Analysis of Donald Trump: A Case Study of the US Embassy relocation to Jerusalem ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdiel, Kenny Setya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91159
<![CDATA[In the context of foreign policy, the Trump administration has made various pro-Israel moves starting with the relocation of the US embassy for Israel to Jerusalem in late 2017. These high-risk policies frequently denounced by the international community. Despite that, Trump persisted in generating such policy, which was influenced by his personal dimension. This study aims to examine how Trump’s personality, precisely his leadership style, affects the decision to relocate the US Embassy to Jerusalem and other pro-Israel policies. In answering the question, this study adopted a political psychology approach by using psychobiography and content analysis as complementary methodologies. The approach was meant to build a complete picture of a leader’s political behavior. It was found that Trump often neglected facts and information on the ground. Therefore, he could be categorized as an aggressive leader who is willing to take risky decisions, although he is aware of the consequences. His inadequacy in organization management also increases the intensity of high-risk policies. In addition to that, Trump’s policies are motivated by his desire to secure political support amongst Judeo-Christian interest groups.]]>
<![CDATA[The Effectiveness of ASEAN Cooperation in Marine Environmental Protection (MEP) in South China Sea (SCS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Suharman, Yoga]]>;
<![CDATA[Karo, Suratih Muhamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91164
<![CDATA[This research aims to examine ASEAN cooperation in responding to issues related to marine environmental security due to the exploration of resources in the South China Sea (SCS) region. This research analyze two aspects of environmental security, consist of (1) ASEAN’s collective role in maintaining environmental security and production in the SCS to realize environmental and human security, and (2) the effectiveness of ASEAN cooperation in responding to environmental problems in the SCS through international regime effectiveness theory developed by Arild Underdal. This study utilized a qualitative method by comparing the development of ASEAN MEP cooperation and problem-solving capacity before and after the Declaration for a Decade of Coastal and Marine Environmental Protection in the South China Sea containing institutional setting, power distribution, instrumental leadership, and collaboration level between ASEAN, the epistemic community, and behavioral changes. Data and information obtained from primary sources such as ASEAN official documents and secondary sources consisted of scientific journals and web articles. The findings indicate that ASEAN MEP cooperation has developed towards effectiveness but has not reached the optimum point in solving maritime problems in the SCS. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of International Organization for Migration in Handling Human Trafficking in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan Province ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugrahaningsih, Nurfitri]]>;
<![CDATA[Alunaza, Hardi]]>;
<![CDATA[Lutfie, Ratu Zahirah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91163
<![CDATA[Human trafficking becomes a central issue in the globalization era for being an epidemic in various countries. Cases of human trafficking have been rife for a long time in Indonesia, even in some areas such as East Nusa Tenggara, East Kalimantan, West Nusa Tenggara, and West Kalimantan, this phenomenon is vulnerable. West Kalimantan Province has ranked second highest in human trafficking cases in Indonesia, particularly in Sambas Regency, an area directly adjacent to Malaysia. This paper aimed to describe the role of IOM in tackling human trafficking cases in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan. This study utilized a qualitative approach with descriptive writing patterns, and data sources were based on literature review and field studies through interviews with IOM and the local government of Sambas Regency. International organizations and institutional liberalism theories were employed to analyze the phenomenon. The results revealed that IOM performed its role and function by cooperating with the local government in conducting socialization and involving the government both vertically and horizontally. IOM also conducted reintegration and victim assistance. Moreover, IOM carried out discovery processes in economic and social terms. The existence of IOM can be the right partner for the government in dealing with human trafficking. Thereby, cooperation and support for the implementation of government policies can be established.]]>
<![CDATA[The Military Industrial Complex In a Developing Country: Lessons from the Republic of Turkey ]]>
<![CDATA[Wicaksono, Tresno]]>;
<![CDATA[Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91162
<![CDATA[Turkey is an example of a developing country concerns with the development of its defense industry. Since the early of its republican in 1923, there are many defense indusÂtry companies established, owned by both state and private sectors. Lately, Turkish defense industry development has shown significant progress by the capability to build its indigenous defense products such as tanks and ships with most local content. The current objective of the Turkish defense industry under Erdogan administrative is to establish a ‘full’ defense industry independency by 2023, precisely a hundred years of its republic age. To achieve the objective, Turkey has established its ‘defense industry structure’ similar to Eisenhower’s concept of ‘Military-Industrial Complex’. The synergy of stakeholders among the Turkish Military-Industrial Complex has led Turkey to progressively fulfill Erdogan’s objective of a ‘full’ military independency through the execution and success of its national defense projects. Therefore, by using the explanatory research method, the authors explain the existence of the Turkish Military-Industrial Complex from each role and synergy, bringing significant impacts to the state. This article argues that the development of the military industry in Turkey, covering a timeframe of 2011 to 2017, could provide valuable experiences and lessons for other developing countries to strengthen their national defense industry level.]]>
<![CDATA[Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh: The Case of UNHCR’s Response ]]>
<![CDATA[Faruque, Taufiq -E-]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91160
<![CDATA[How does the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) respond to a sudden influx of a large number of refugees in a state rejecting the international legal standards on refugee protection? By applying a qualitative case study method, this article seeks to shed light on that question by focusing on the UNHCR’s response in the context of the Rohingya refugee influx to Bangladesh, a non-signatory state to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967. This article recognizes the existence regime complexity involving the international refugee regime and argues that Bangladesh has tried to challenge UNHCR’s involvement through authorizing the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to lead the international humanitarian response in the early days of the 2017-18 Rohingya refugee crisis. Furthermore, this article adopts challenged institutions as a framework to explore how the UNHCR responded to the challenge through a series of strategic maneuvers to uphold its mandate of providing “international protection†to the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The main findings suggested that although UNHCR has been able to emerge as a leading stakeholder of the humanitarian response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the existing operational context in Bangladesh still challenges the agency to uphold its mandate fully. Other findings include the fragmentation of authority in the international response coordination, increasing institutional competition, and lack of coordination between UNHCR and other major humanitarian agencies.]]>
<![CDATA[A Note for Indonesia’s Border Diplomacy in Tanjung Datu, West Kalimantan ]]>
<![CDATA[Rachmawati, Iva]]>;
<![CDATA[Dewi, Machya Astuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91158
<![CDATA[This article aims to propose a fundamental overhaul of the understanding of Indonesia’s border diplomacy, which has so far state-centric and only prioritizes the role of the central government. Despite being in the high politics issue, border diplomacy can no longer elitist practiced. Referring to several problems that arise at the practical and academic level, Indonesia’s border diplomacy is the time to expand diplomacy by considering other important actors, namely subnational actors and non-state actors. Not only at the provincial level, but sub-national actors to the lowest level in the border region also have a significant contribution to Indonesia’s border diplomacy, as well as non-state actors from academia. This article is the result of research based on a qualitative methodology using Personal Communication withs and documentation studies. The research discovered many essential notes, including firstly, the confusion of information in the Tanjung Datu issue in both Camar Bulan and Gosong Niger has harmed the bilateral relations between Indonesia and Malaysia. Second, independence in the practice of relations between two communities between countries showed that subnational actors have a vital influence on Indonesia-Malaysia bilateral relations.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of International Organization for Migration in Handling Human Trafficking in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan Province ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugrahaningsih, Nurfitri]]>;
<![CDATA[Alunaza, Hardi]]>;
<![CDATA[Lutfie, Ratu Zahirah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91163
<![CDATA[Human trafficking becomes a central issue in the globalization era for being an epidemic in various countries. Cases of human trafficking have been rife for a long time in Indonesia, even in some areas such as East Nusa Tenggara, East Kalimantan, West Nusa Tenggara, and West Kalimantan, this phenomenon is vulnerable. West Kalimantan Province has ranked second highest in human trafficking cases in Indonesia, particularly in Sambas Regency, an area directly adjacent to Malaysia. This paper aimed to describe the role of IOM in tackling human trafficking cases in Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan. This study utilized a qualitative approach with descriptive writing patterns, and data sources were based on literature review and field studies through interviews with IOM and the local government of Sambas Regency. International organizations and institutional liberalism theories were employed to analyze the phenomenon. The results revealed that IOM performed its role and function by cooperating with the local government in conducting socialization and involving the government both vertically and horizontally. IOM also conducted reintegration and victim assistance. Moreover, IOM carried out discovery processes in economic and social terms. The existence of IOM can be the right partner for the government in dealing with human trafficking. Thereby, cooperation and support for the implementation of government policies can be established.]]>
<![CDATA[Individual Foreign Policy Analysis of Donald Trump: A Case Study of the US Embassy relocation to Jerusalem ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdiel, Kenny Setya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91159
<![CDATA[In the context of foreign policy, the Trump administration has made various pro-Israel moves starting with the relocation of the US embassy for Israel to Jerusalem in late 2017. These high-risk policies frequently denounced by the international community. Despite that, Trump persisted in generating such policy, which was influenced by his personal dimension. This study aims to examine how Trump’s personality, precisely his leadership style, affects the decision to relocate the US Embassy to Jerusalem and other pro-Israel policies. In answering the question, this study adopted a political psychology approach by using psychobiography and content analysis as complementary methodologies. The approach was meant to build a complete picture of a leader’s political behavior. It was found that Trump often neglected facts and information on the ground. Therefore, he could be categorized as an aggressive leader who is willing to take risky decisions, although he is aware of the consequences. His inadequacy in organization management also increases the intensity of high-risk policies. In addition to that, Trump’s policies are motivated by his desire to secure political support amongst Judeo-Christian interest groups.]]>
<![CDATA[Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh: The Case of UNHCR’s Response ]]>
<![CDATA[Taufiq -E- Faruque]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91160
<![CDATA[How does the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) respond to a sudden influx of a large number of refugees in a state rejecting the international legal standards on refugee protection? By applying a qualitative case study method, this article seeks to shed light on that question by focusing on the UNHCR’s response in the context of the Rohingya refugee influx to Bangladesh, a non-signatory state to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967. This article recognizes the existence regime complexity involving the international refugee regime and argues that Bangladesh has tried to challenge UNHCR’s involvement through authorizing the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to lead the international humanitarian response in the early days of the 2017-18 Rohingya refugee crisis. Furthermore, this article adopts challenged institutions as a framework to explore how the UNHCR responded to the challenge through a series of strategic maneuvers to uphold its mandate of providing “international protection” to the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The main findings suggested that although UNHCR has been able to emerge as a leading stakeholder of the humanitarian response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the existing operational context in Bangladesh still challenges the agency to uphold its mandate fully. Other findings include the fragmentation of authority in the international response coordination, increasing institutional competition, and lack of coordination between UNHCR and other major humanitarian agencies.]]>
