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<![CDATA[PENGGUNAAN FAKTOR AGAMA OLEH PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DALAM UPAYA PEMBEBASAN SANDERA ANAK BUAH KAPAL PANDU BRAHMA 12 DI FILIPINA TAHUN 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wiwin Sutaryani, Ni Made]]>;
<![CDATA[Fasisaka, Idin]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 1 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[The hostage of Indonesian citizens which conducted by the Abu Sayyaf group was closely related to the coal export by Indonesia to the Philippine as the main source in fulfilling energy. The hostage was taking occurred in the water of Sulu on March 25, 2016 involves 10 crews of tugboat Pandu Brahma 12 which departed from south Kalimantan to the Philippine on March 15, 2016. In this case the parties of the hostage-taker asked for ransom of 50 million pesos or equivalent with 15 milliard rupiahs and the hostages were taken to its hideout in the Sulu archipelago. At first, the company of tugboat Pandu Brahma 12 has prepared the money for ransom but the Ministry of Foreign Affair of Indonesia, Retno Marsudi decided to take the diplomatic way which use religion as the factor to divest the hostages by sending the negotiator teams. This is done based on the similarity of cultures and values, especially religion between Indonesia and the southern of Philippine. Keywords : hostage, tugboat Pandu Brahma 12, Abu Sayyaf group, negotiator team.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI PEMERINTAH INDONESIADALAM MEWUJUDKAN KEAMANAN MARITIM MELALUI KEBIJAKANPENENGGELAMAN KAPAL SECARA TERBUKA (2014-2017) ]]>
<![CDATA[Santoso, Syarifurohmat Pratama]]>;
<![CDATA[Dewi, Ratih Kumala]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to determine the strategy of the Government of Indonesia in realizing maritime sovereignty through the sinking of the fishing boats openly from 2014 to 2017. This research is a descriptive qualitative research with the object of research, namely the Government of Indonesia policy. The data were collected by interviewing five informants from the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In addition, data are also supported by conducting documentary data collection and data search techniques online. The collected data is then analyzed using rational actor models and maritime security concept. Furthermore, the results of the analysis of this study are presented in narrative form. The results showed that the sinking of the fishing boats by the Indonesian Government had a positive impact in realizing Nawacita of President Joko Widodo. Keywords: Maritime Sovereignty, Nawacita, Sinking of The Fishing Boats]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Dynamic Defence Force Jepang dalam Merespon Pengembangan Senjata Nuklir Korea Utara (2010-2016) ]]>
<![CDATA[Paliama, Jeremia Kevin]]>;
<![CDATA[Priadarsini, Ni Wayan Rainy]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT North Korea frequently conduct tests of nuclear weapons has made Japan a worried over these actions. Although North Korea does not directly target the missile to the Japan territorial, still Japan government criticized sharply over the nuclear weapons test. North Korea’s nuclear weapons that can directly reach Japan frequently surely make Japan feel threatened. Japan decided to change the military concept from Basic Defence Force t into a Dynamic Defence Force. The base Defence Force Basic defense Concept focused on building strong-power passive defense. As the research question is how Japan through Dynamic Defence Force policy to respond to North Korea's nuclear weapons development, this research aims to analyze how Dynamic Defence Force policy of Japan being able to respond and mitigate the threat posed through the ownership of its nuclear weapons by using the concept of the balance of threat and deterrence.The concept analyzes how a country is doing a balancing act as a deterrence effort to be able to protect against the threats that exist. For that Japan decided to change the concept of the defence of the Basic Defence Force into a Dynamic Defence Force, because Japan felt that the concept of the Basic Defence Force are no longer able to protect his country from the threats that exist.This research uses qualitative descriptivemethod with the use of the official documents issued by Japan and the related journals as a source of data. Keywords: Japan, North Korea, The Basic Defence Force, The Basic Dynamic Defence Force, Nuclear Weapons]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Keputusan Australia Menjatuhkan Sanksi Kepada Fiji Pasca Kudeta Militer ]]>
<![CDATA[Honestya, I Putu Bagus]]>;
<![CDATA[Sushanti, Sukma]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This final assignment discusses about Australia's choice to decide the policy to impose sanctions on Fiji after the 2006 military coup. The Australian decision will be analyzed using the Foreign Policy Theory and the Rational Actor Model. The analysis within this final assignment will provide the reasons behind choosing policies to impose sanctions in response to a military coup in Fiji. The Rational Actor model is used to explain that Australia as a rational actor will choose the most strategic policy among various alternatives to achieve its national interests. The outcome of this research is a clear explaination about the reason that motivate Australia chose the option to impose sanctions on Fiji. After considering the costs and benefits of various alternative options available, the option to impose sanctions is the most suitable for Australia in response to the 2006 military coup in Fiji. Keywords : Australia, Fiji, Coup , Sanction]]>
<![CDATA[Identifikasi Strategi Cina Dalam Upayanya Menguasai Doklam 2004-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Putra Purohita, I Gede Pradnya]]>;
<![CDATA[Priadarsini, Ni Wayan Rainy]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This research to identify what strategies the China use in their efforts to claim the Doklam region. This identification is based on the characteristics that contained in every China action and behavior related to the Doklam conflict. The issue of territorial conflict in the Doklam region is an old issue since1960s has heated up again in 2017 when China was exposed doing road construction in Doklam. This was criticized by Buthan and India who considered China to have committed a violation by carrying out road construction in Doklam area that was still in a disputed status or quo status. This analyzed with the concept of territorial conflict to explain what benefits can be obtained from the ownership of Doklam and the concept of salami slicing strategies to describe what components are in accordance with China actions and behavior can be used to identify the strategies that China uses. Keywords : China, Doklam, Salami Slicing, India, Buthan]]>
<![CDATA[KEPENTINGAN AUSTRIA MENOLAK MENGUSIR DIPLOMAT RUSIA PASCA INSIDEN PERACUNAN AGEN RUSIA SERGEI SKRIPAL DI TAHUN 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Poetry, Nabila Zelicha]]>;
<![CDATA[Dharmiasih, D.A Wiwik]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This research outlines the interests of Austria refusing to expel Russian diplomats from his country due to the Segrei Skripal poisoning incident. After Russia was suspected as the culprit behind the Sergei Skripal poisoning incident, Western countries condemned and expelled Russian diplomats from their respective countries. However, Austria as a member of the European Union became one of the countries that refused to follow that step. Austria's interest in not expelling Russian diplomats from its country is interesting to examine not only from the country's neutral position, but also the relationship between Austria and Russia. This study uses the Concept of Neutrality and National Interest Foreign Policy. The research methodology used is descriptive qualitative data obtained by literature review. The researcher argues that neutrality is not only the reason for Austria's policy of rejecting Russian diplomats from its country, but the country's political and economic interests with Russia. Keywords: Austria, Foreign Policy, Neutrality, National Interest, Political, Economic]]>
<![CDATA[Respon Masyarakat Adat Bolivia terhadap Kebijakan War on Drugs Amerika Serikat di Bolivia ]]>
<![CDATA[Subamia Uttari, Sagung Uttami]]>;
<![CDATA[Fasisaka, Idin]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research aimed to explain the impact of the United States War on Drugs policy that led the social movements of indigenous peoples in Bolivia through the appearance of Evo Morales and formation of El Movimiento al Socialismo or Movement towards Socialism (MAS) which become an influential political party in Bolivia and eventually led Evo Morales to become the first indigenous President of Bolivia in 2006 and point the concern of indigenous peoples through 2009 Constitution and ratification of the 1961 Convention. Data was obtained through library methods such as, scientific journals, related websites, books, ande-books. Collected datadescribed through qualitative research method with descriptive research type. Research analysis used the concepts of rights of indigenous peoples and self-determination. Both of these concepts explain how United States intervention through War on Drugs that becomingthe trigger of Bolivian indigenous people’s self-determination effort. Keywords:War on Drugs, Coca Leaves, Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Self-Determination]]>
<![CDATA[Hambatan Pemerintah Yaman dalam Mengelola Bantuan Pangan dari World Food Programme Tahun 2011-2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Swadevi, Wayan Yulia]]>;
<![CDATA[Kumala Dewi, Putu Ratih]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This thesis examines the Yemeni government’s obstacles in managing food aid from World Food Programme in 2011-2016. The large amount of WFP aid that goes to Yemen is an interesting case because it’s not able to reduce the food crisis, instead the food crisis gradually increase in Yemen. The assistance provided by WFP to Yemen is quite large and able to accommodate the needs of people who are in emergency food crisis. However, the implementation of the aid when it arrived in Yemen encountered various constraints associated with the state resources so that aid programs could not realize significant results in reducing the food crisis. In this thesis, researcher examines the obstacles experienced by the Yemeni government in managing food aid from the World Food Programme. The framework of this thesis departs with the concept of Management of Foreign Aid with using the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness procedure. Keywords: Obstacles, Foreign Aid, Yemeni Government, Paris Declaration]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME (WFP) DALAM MEMBANTU MENINGKATKAN KETAHANAN PANGAN DI INDONESIA TAHUN 2012-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Khesia Khorinna, Made Ayu]]>;
<![CDATA[Fasisaka, Idin]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT Fulfillment of the food security in Indonesia has been pursued since the pre-reform era. One significant cause in meeting the desired level of food security in Indonesia is the population’s over-growth. WFP is an organization that was originally formed as a program that distributes food to disaster areas, but with increasingly dynamic and broad problems, WFP is also recognized by the United Nations and moves under the auspices of the General Assembly. The problems faced are also increasingly widespread in the field of food fulfillment.Since 2012, WFP changed its role in Indonesia from organizations that provide direct assistance to become a strategic partner for Indonesia. Where they act more as consultants who help Indonesia in finding sources of food problems. WFP itself is more concentrated in analyzing and assisting Indonesia in policies related to food security. Keywords: food security, Indonesia, WFP, international organization]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA AUSTRALIA MELALUI PROGRAM EASTERN INDONESIA NATIONAL ROAD IMPROVEMENT PROJECT (EINRIP) DALAM MEMBANTU MENGURANGI KEMISKINAN DI GIANYAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardyana Putra, I Putu Asta]]>;
<![CDATA[Rainy Priadarsini, Ni Wayan]]>;
<![CDATA[Suwecawangsa, Adi P.]]>
<![CDATA[ DIKSHI (DISKUSI ILMIAH KOMUNITAS HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL) Vol 1 No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional FISIP Universitas Udayana ]]>
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<![CDATA[ABSTRACT Poverty is a problem that occurred in the Eastern Indonesia. Poverty that occurred caused by the limited access of road network. Indonesian government had been tried to develop the road network in the Eastern Indonesia, and one of Indonesian Government policy on developing the road network was through development cooperation with Australian Government by EINRIP programme. One of the EINRIP programme location was located in Gianyar Regency. Gianyar Regency was selected as one of the EINRIP programme location was intended to open the road access as a main access for villages in the east coast of Gianyar Regency, all at once as a main access for connecting the Western and Eastern Indonesia. It is interesting to examine how the Australian efforts through EINRIP programme on reducing poverty in the Gianyar Regency. Keywords: Access, Poverty, Australia, EINRIP]]>
