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Yessi Olivia
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MOTIVASI INDIA MENGUNDURKAN DIRI DARI REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP (RCEP) TAHUN 2019 Ika Annisa Putriani; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 8: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research aims to explain India’s decision to pull out from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). RCEP is a regional free trade agreement consisted of 16 members included ASEAN members, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea, Russia, and India which is expected to be world’s biggest trading bloc. India involved in the RCEP negotiation in 2012 under the administration of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh but when Narendra Modi took over from Singh in 2014, India decided to withdraw from RCEP. This move has contradicted India’s Act East foreign policy to engage Asia-Pacific countries, which India could have beneffited from the participation in the RCEP.This research applies the economic nationalism perspective to analyze India’s decision to pull out from RCEP. According to this approach, some nationalists consider the safeguarding of national economic interests as the minimum essential to the security and survival of the state. This qualitative research uses explanative methods. The data was collected through document analysis or analysing the secondary data, such as book, journal, official publication, report and websites.This research finds that the decision to withdraw from RCEP has been driven from India’s domestic politics. Modi’s political party, Bharatiya Janata Party, and Modi viewed RCEP doesn’t reflect both India’s national and economic interest. There is also the concern that RCEP would threaten India’s domestic industries, especially the dairy and steel sectors which are very important in India. Keywords: India, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, national interest, economic nationalism, and Modinomics.
MOTIF TIONGKOK MENINGKATKAN KERJA SAMA DENGAN MEKONG RIVER COMMISSION Dinda Mei Sari; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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The focus of this research is to analyze the motives of China to increase cooperation with the Mekong River Commission, an organization whose members are lower Mekong basin countries, namely Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. China, which is the upper Mekong, was initially not at all interested in working with the MRC and was only content with dialog partner status. However, since the 2000s, China, with its steadily increased power and hegemonic projection in the region, has changed its approach in dealing with the MRC. China has shown a great interest in increasing cooperation with the MRC. This change certainly raises a question to China’s grown interest in MRC.This research uses the neorealism perspective that focuses on how states interact in order to survive the anarchical international system. Neorealism considers that international cooperation will open up opportunities to achieve the power to fulfill national interests, especially to maintain the existence of the state (survival). By becoming a hegemon, a country can influence policies in international cooperation to reach national interests. Data collection in this research was collected through literature study. This research shows that China's motive for increasing cooperation with the MRC is because China needs the energy of the Mekong River to fulfill its growing energy demand. China then built a hydropower dam project on the Mekong River. In responding to various criticisms and rejection of dam construction, China used its hegemonic status by persuading the downstream countries through investment and following cooperation rules that benefited China economically. Keywords: China, Mekong River Commission, Hegemon, Mekong River and Hydropower
PROSES PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA IMPOR AYAM BRASIL DI INDONESIA MELAUI WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (WTO) TAHUN 2014-2017 Ilustrasia Wirafahmi; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research explains about the role of WTO in settling the trade dispute between Brazil and Indonesia on the issue of chiken imports. Indonesia has been known to be the world’s 10th largest chicken meat consumer in 2015. Brazil, in this case, sued Indonesia to the WTO because Indonesia’s policies of requiring halal labeling and other non-tariff regulations regarding chicken imports were considered as violations to WTO regulation regarding non – tariff barrier.            This research is a qualitative research that uses the descriptive explanative method. The perspective used in this research is the neoliberal institutionalism,  which argues that states created international instistutions to further cooperation and to assist them in solving their problems. The data for this research have been collected from books, articles, journals, documents (published by the governments and WTO), and websites.             This research shows that Brazil and Indonesia have settled their dispute through the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) and followed by a bilateral negotiation outside the DSB of WTO. For the WTO’s DSB dispute resolution mechanism Indonesia have been stated to be guilty in the panel and have not submitted an  appeal regarding this case. And for the bilateral negotiation outside DSB WTO Indonesia have agreed to renegotiate trade relations with Brasil.Keywords: trade dispute resolution, WTO’s Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), non-tariff barier   
PERLINDUNGAN NEGARA TERHADAP WARGA NEGARA DI LUAR NEGERI: STUDI KASUS PENYANDERAAN WNI OLEH PEROMPAK SOMALIA DAN KELOMPOK ABU SAYYAF TAHUN 2011 DAN 2016 Nadia Safirna Putri; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research analyses state’s protection of its citizens abroad specifically looks at the phenomenon of transnational organized crimes particular ships hijacking. The research focuses on the strategies that the Indonesian government applied in dealing with three cases of ships hijacking involving Somalia pirates and Abu Sayyaf group that took hostage of Indonesians crew members.This research built on the perspective of constructivism in the study of International Relations and used it to study Indonesia’s foreign policy. In the, constructivist view, the role of state and non-state actors is required to solve the problems in international relations. The protection of Indonesian citizens while they are abroad is laid on the Constitution No 37 of 1999 about foreign relations and article 21 of the constitution No 37 of 1999. Citizens protection is also based on article 2 about Right to exercise diplomatic protection of International Law Commission Draft Articles on Diplomatic Protection 2006. The qualitative approach is used in formulating document analysis, facts and theoretical framework of this research guided. This research has relied on data from Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry, journals, books and Internet websites related to the problems.This research finds that Indonesia combines different approaches in protecting the citizens abroad. In the case of the hostage-taking of MV Sinar Kudus 2011, Abu Sayyaf 2016, FV Naham 3, Indonesia used by military operation and total diplomacy. Different problem-solving methods was caused by what’s matter the most such as the boatload and the situation in hijacking area. Keywords: Citizens, Nations, Piracy, Indonesia’s foreign policy, Strategy,   Military, Diplomacy
KEPUTUSAN INDONESIA MELAKUKAN KERJASAMA PEMBELIAN PESAWAT TEMPUR SUKHOI 35 DENGAN RUSIA TAHUN 2015-2018 Novria "; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research aims to explain the general conditions of Indonesian defense equipment until 2014, to find out the reasons Indonesia chose Russia in purchase cooperation for fighter flight in 2015, and systematically analyze Indonesia and Russia in purchase cooperation of  Su-35 fighter flight in 2015-2018.The research using Neorealism perspective, which nation-state as the level of analysis. Theory of national security and the concept of national interest are using to examine the problem. Using qualitative methods through library research to achieve goals, derived from data obtained from journals, official documents, mini-thesis, books, and the internet to analyze Indonesia's decision to purchase Sukhoi 35 fighter flight with Russia year of  2015 until 2018.This research proves that Indonesia chose Russia for Su-35 fighter flight purchase cooperation in 2015 is due to efficiency and pragmatic reasons, which is Russia seen as a strategic partner in fulfilling air defence equipment for the Indonesian Air Forces in the long term. The purchase of the Su-35 was Indonesia's effort to fulfil the needs of air defence equipment and modernize Indonesia's air defence agency. Keyword : Purchase  Cooperation, National Interest, Strategic Partner, Su-35
KEPENTINGAN INDONESIA MELAKUKAN KERJA SAMA INDONESIA AUSTRALIA CONVERHENSIVI ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (IA-CEPA) Fajar Khoirurrizal Fahri; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Indonesia and Australia are two neighbouring countries, but the economic interaction between the two countries has been considered unfruitful because of the trade constraints such as, tariff, hazy rules and procedures, technical barriers of commerce, investment restrictions, strict visa requirement for Indonesia citizens and a difference in assessments for job competence. This study illustrate how both countries work together to reduce the barriers through a comprehensive bilateral cooperation known as Indonesia Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IA-CEPA). This research uses qualitative research methods that is explanative and The  data obtained from literatures such as book, articles from journals, media, and the internete. In analyzing this topic, the writer applies the prespective of liberalism and the theory of cooperation in the form of free trade are (FTA).    This research shows that IA-CEPA has resulted eliminates trade barriers in the form of tariffs, technical barriers, limits on the amount of investment, simplifies administration, adds visas quota, and collaborates in the assessment of labor competencies, and others economics discussions so that it can be said to be comprehensive. Indonesia feels this cooperation is important as an effort to face economic globalization and can represent its national interests so that it is willing to agree. Key Words: Bilateral Cooperation, IA-CEPA, Indonesia, Australia, Economic Relations, Trade Barriers, Liberalism Interdependent, National interests.
DAMPAK GERAKAN #METOO DI KOREA SELATAN PADA TAHUN 2018-2020 Sundari Meilanesia; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 8: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research explains about the impact of #MeToo Movement in South Korea in 2018-2020. #MeToo Movement was  founded by Tarana Burke, an American woman activist and aims to fight against sexual harassment and sexual violence. A tweet about this #metoo movement was popularized by Alyssa Milano in 2017. This #MeToo momentum then was harnessed by South Korea’s women to accuse the patriarchal which has implications for gender inequality and sexual harassment. Policy changes as a result of the movement also be discussed in this study.This research is a qualitative research that aims to create a systematic and objective picture. The data collection technique used is document analysis. The case of #MeToo in South Korea is analyzed with the theory of social movements against social change. The level of analysis used is the nation state level of analysis.Based on this research, it can be concluded that the #MeToo Movement is still incapable in changing the patriarchal system that is detrimental to women in South Korea. Despite of the policy changes there still has been no significant change as there has been no decrease in the rate of sexual violence. Keywords: #metoo movement, sexual violence, South Korea, feminism
COOPERATION BETWEEN INDONESIA AND MOZAMBIQUE THROUGH THE INDONESIA-MOZAMBIQUE PREFERENTIAL TRADE AGREEMENT (IM-PTA) IN 2019 Rafii Putra Bakti; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 8: Edisi I Januari - Juni 2021
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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Indonesia is a country that has a high rate of economic growth. In supporting its economic growth, Indonesia relies on export and import processes. Thus far, Indonesia's export and import markets have always been focused on Asia and Europe. The value of Indonesia's exports and imports to the African continent tends to be small. Indonesia is deemed necessary to undertake a strategy to prevent negative impacts from economic activities, including strong dependencies on its traditional markets.This research is built on the assumptions of the Preferential Trade Agreement theory by referring to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) rules. The formulation of all arguments, data, facts, and theoretical frameworks in this study using descriptive methods and document analysis. The data absorbed from books, journals, news from newspapers and magazines, and websites. This study shows the reasons why Indonesia chose Mozambique as a preferential trade cooperation partner within the IM-PTA framework. The IM-PTA regulates tariff reduction for Indonesia's main export and import commodities. This tariff reduction is to support the expansion of the Indonesian market to non-traditional partners in the African continent. Mozambique is the first country to have a trade agreement with Indonesia on a bilateral basis. This is also a momentum to start a new non-traditional market for Indonesia.Keywords: IM-PTA, Market diversification, export-import, non-traditional market
Kepentingan Amerika Serikat Dalam Mempertahankan proyek Naval medical Research Unit two (NAMRU 2) Yenti Sofra Devita; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 1, No 1: WISUDA FEBRUARI 2014
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research is analyzing about the presence of Naval Medical Research Unit Two (NAMRU 2) and the interests of USA government in keeping the NAMRU 2 project to be remained in Indonesia even the MoU which binds the contract between them has been expired. NAMRU 2 is a biomedical research laboratory belongs to USA Navy which examines about the infectious diseases that occurs in tropical countries, the treatment of traumatic war, and providing medical aids to disaster victims.This research applies Diplomacy theory and national interest. And this research applies qulitative methods and case study in this research. The data collected trought library research, literature studies, official docments, academic journal, mass media.According to the MoU, NAMRU 2 should finish its tenure in Indonesia in 2005, but with reasons that there still many things undone, making NAMRU 2 still want to extend the MoU with the deadline period for one year. But until 2008, NAMRU 2 is still freely conducting their activities even it should be over in 2006. Its peak, in 2008 Indonesia’s health minister at that time dr. Siti Fadilah Supari give orders to every hospital in Indonesia to not sending any virus samples to NAMRU laboratory because, according to her, NAMRU 2 has an economic motives behind the vaccines making of virus samples that delivered from every hospital in Indonesia to NAMRU 2.Keywords: NAMRU 2, virus samples, vaccine, and USA interest
KEPENTINGAN AUSTRALIA DALAM PERJANJIAN MARITIM DENGAN REPUBLIK DEMOKRATIK TIMOR LESTE TAHUN 2018 Mutia Hairani; Yessi Olivia
Jurnal Online Mahasiswa (JOM) Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 7: Edisi II Juli - Desember 2020
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Riau

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This research analyses Australia’s decision to accept the maritime agreement with Timor-Leste in 2018. Before the agreement took place, Australia and Timor-Leste did not have a permanent maritime boundary separating them in the Timor Sea because of the different principles in determining how maritime boundaries are drawn. Australia wanted the maritime boundaries to be drawn based on the principle of the natural prolongation of the continental shelf, while Timor-Leste wanted maritime boundaries to be drawn using the median line between the two countries. In 2016, Timor-Leste submitted a compulsory non-binding conciliation to resolve maritime boundary dispute to Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA). In this compulsory non-binding conciliation process to define maritime boundaries between them, Australia had then agreed to define maritime boundaries drawn based on the median lines. Australia’s acceptance the agreement on its maritime boundaries with Timor-Leste certainly raises a question on the interests behind its decision.This research uses the neorealism perspective that focuses on the implications of the anarchic feature of the international system to state’s policy. Using foreign policy theory with rational actor model approach, this research aims to describe Australia’s strategy and approach to achieve its national interest and resolve maritime disputes with Timor-Leste. The data in this research was collected through literature study.This research shows that Australia’s decision to accept the agreement to settle the maritime dispute has been driven by the economic factors; the industrialization of oil and gas from the Timor Sea is still taking place in Australia. Australia has several interests in this agreement. First, the economic benefits for Australia. Second, support for the economic development of Timor-Leste. Third, Australia’s consistency in promoting the peaceful settlement of maritime disputes based on international law. Keywords: Maritime Boundary Dispute, Australia, Timor-Leste, Timor Sea, Timor Gap, Maritime Boundary, UNCLOS, Foreign Policy.
Co-Authors Adinda Salsabila Fitriandi Andre Helvani Ginting Annisa Febri Cahyani Azahari Syafril Bunga Annisa Siregar Cattleya Liutantri Dinda Mei Sari Egita Marina Silalahi Fajar Khoirurrizal Fahri Farhan Firdaus Fransiska GP Purba Gemala Asyura Haniva Sekar Deanty Hargean " Harra Fisabilillah Ika Annisa Putriani Ilustrasia Wirafahmi Ing Syakbani Syakbani Iqbal Valensyah Purwanto Laily Ramadhani Lamanda " Lidia Melita Merry Cristin Mutia Hairani Nadia Safirna Putri Nadia Zahra Rahmadhani Nadya Putri Ramadhany Nora Putri Heryati Novria " Qasrhin Bulan Syazdwana Rafii Putra Bakti Rasyid Ridha Revni Rahayu Rizki Hamri Pratama Salby Aurizaldi Putri Silvia Rahmadani Sri Ayu Hafsa Sri Nurul Wahyuni Sundari Meilanesia Wahyu Rahmatullah Yenti Sofra Devita