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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 94 Documents
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Patronizing the Mass: How Middle-Agents Deepened Populism and Post-Truth in Indonesia 2019 Presidential Election Haq, Muhammad Naziful
Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Indonesian 2019 presidential election was extensively highlighted as a populist rematch between the technocratic Jokowi and the chauvinist Prabowo. There were at least two dimensions that contributed to the existing populist atmosphere at the presidential election: the religio-social condition of the people and the personal appearance of the presidential candidates. By referring to the two factors, analysts predominantly mentioned that Prabowo was more populist than Jokowi due to his energetic rhetoric and chauvinist discourse. However, it is undeniable that the polarization at the grassroots level was equally vitriolic in both Jokowi and Prabowo supporters. To what extent, then, could a person with a subtle populist gesture and rhetoric such as Jokowi could have vitriolic supporters and a deep post-truth condition. The research at hand underlines social media and middle-agents as additional tenets for the emerging entrenchment between the two supporters. Using content analysis, this research unpacks the populism and post-truth energy of a small sample of tweets and comments to comprehend how the interaction of the people and middle-agents could deepen populist cleavage and post-truth condition. This research found that, although Jokowi and Prabowo envisaged a different populist style at the front of the electoral stage, the articulation of divisive discourse, trolling, and mockery are equally sparkling from their middle-agents in social media.
Institutional Design and Money Politics: Vote Buying in Post-Suharto Era Ulum, Fuadil
Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Asymmetric Decentralization in Aceh: Institutionalization of Conflict of Interest by Elites of GAM Utama, Bayu Satria
Jurnal Politik
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This article explains an institutionalization of conflicts in the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh Province. In general, one of the objectives of implementing the asymmetric decentralization policy is to resolve the problem of national integration between Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Government of Indonesia. However, the implementation of asymmetric decentralization in Aceh Province presents a different phenomenon. Although there is conflict resolution between GAM and the Government of Indonesia, the conflict dynamics change into a conflict of interest between GAM elites at the local level as part of the dynamics of electoral politics. This article is based on a literature study on secondary data to understand the electoral politics process has evolved to be a medium for institutionalizing conflict after the separatism movement in Aceh. This article shows that the understanding of asymmetric decentralization in Aceh Province not only served as a solution to the conflict between GAM and the Indonesian Government but also became a medium for institutionalizing conflict between GAM’s elite exponents through local elections in 2006–2017.
Key Elements of Environmental Justice in the Geothermal Power Plant Resistance Movement Santoso, Priyo Fajar; Kusumasari, Bevaola
Jurnal Politik
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Geothermal energy is currently considered as an environmentally friendly, renewable energy source. However, based on empirical data from various countries, geothermal energy production often results socioecological losses for the host community. Various environmental justice movements have emerged to protect environment by protestesting and providing a counter discourse against the dominant perception that geothermal energy is renewable and environmentally friendly. As Indonesian government put more effort to develop more geothermal power thermal across the country, more reactions also emerge and surprisingly include the critical one. This article aims to look at one of the critical reaction from community to counter the argument of positive impact of a geothermal site. It is important to understand how the strategy and discourse of an agent to argue that eviromental friendly is not always beneficial, especially fo local community. This article looks into the Aliansi Selamatkan Slamet (freely translated into Save Slamet Alliance) movement that rejects the construction of the Baturraden Geothermal Power Plant (PLTPB) in Banyumas by outlining the key elements and specific conditions observed. Aliansi Selamatkan Slamet is intriguing because it has achieved active involvement of various elements through its respective perspectives to jointly reject the construction of the PLTPB. Using a theoretical framework of the movement strategy, it examines how Aliansi Selamatkan Slamet determined the selection of targets, framing, time, and relations in the resistance movement. The results indicate sociopolitical conditions, relations between organizations, and organizational cultures are influential to the strategies and discourses of the movement.
Needed but Neglected: Women Activists as Vote Getters in Elections at the Local Level Alfirdaus, Laila Kholid; Nugroho, Rosihan Widi
Jurnal Politik
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

In the study of female activists in politics, the role of women seen from the perspective of women’s representation tends to revolve in political recruitments and decision making process after the elections. This perspective assumes that political process works in a more advanced level by providing channels for female activists to articulate their political interests and thus help with their future endeavors. However, this assumption can be misleading in the society that political process is dominated by political elites. This has made recruitment and policy more central and salient for publicity and render activists at the grass-root level less significant. The case in Semarang, Central Java, Indonesia has told us that female activists are made merely as vote getters in elections without a clear long-term political compensation that is beneficial for gender equality promotion. In Indonesia, women are relatively well-organized through community organizations, such as PKK (Family Empowerment and Welfare) and traditional traders’ association which are attractive to be capitalized by political candidates through their female activists as part of winning team or locally known as tim sukses. Network owned by female activists is seen crucial by politicians, political parties and candidates to reach female voters in elections. However, more than often in electoral phases, the involvement of female activists in this matter is limited merely for getting votes from their fellow female voters in their community. Although in this context, female activists at the grass-root level seem negligible, in reality, micro processes in election, as in political campaigns can be a crucial phase for female activists to strengthen their bargaining position against elites to advocates for their interests once the candidates are elected.
Challenges and Innovation of Indonesia Overseas Election in Tokyo Raganata, Gusti
Jurnal Politik
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

Indonesian overseas elections were first done in 1955. However, Indonesia has lacked specific laws in regards to regulating overseas elections, with almost no distinction between overseas and domestic elections. It has barred the Overseas Election Committee (PPLN) from properly conducting simultaneous elections as well as affecting the quality of the elections. Whereas Indonesian elections are traditionally done through paper ballots in which data are collected manually, PPLNs have promoted innovations to overcome challenges. Constraints are faced by PPLN Tokyo when implementing technology-based solutions. Several of the innovations done can be studied, replicated, and applied in Indonesia’s domestic elections and can improve the quality of the elections overall.
Intellectuals in Post-Soeharto Politics Ekayanta, Fredick Boven
Jurnal Politik
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Fighting Money Politics and Shamanic Practices Tjahjoko, Guno Tri
Jurnal Politik Vol. 5, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This study aims to describe the efforts of female candidates to break the practice of money politics and the influence of shamans in the 2018 Sriharjo subdistrict election (pilkades). The author used qualitative methods with a case study of the Sriharjo village-head election in Bantul Regency. The author collected primary data through interviews, in-depth group discussions, and observations. Secondary data were collected through a literature review, online articles, photos, and video studies of the pilkades process. The findings of this study show the practice of money politics carried out by “snipers,” whose job is to distribute envelopes containing money from house to house from night to dawn one day prior to election day. In addition, candidates also provide assistance and facilities to the community to get their votes. The success team also uses the services of shamans by spreading flowers in certain areas with the aim of spiritually binding people so as not to vote for other candidates. Responding to the competitor’s strategy, the female candidate employed the politics of conscience to empower the community, monitored the snipers of other candidates, built networks, and broke the spiritual powers.
Interreligious Conflicts in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia: Assumptions, Causes, and Implications Regus, Maksimus
Jurnal Politik Vol. 5, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

While Indonesia is known as a land of religious tolerance, interreligious conflicts have been a central issue in the academe. This study attempts to rethink the discourse on this issue by criticizing and elucidating the long-accepted assumption that religion is one of the main sources of interreligious tensions in Indonesia. This study chose a critical qualitative review to extract data and information from previous studies and reports regarding this issue. The results of this study cover such main elements as causes of interreligious conflicts, assumptions on religious conflicts, implications of religious conflicts on the future of Indonesian multicultural society, and a short-term outlook of interreligious conflicts in the country. This article concludes that Indonesia provides many unique contexts and aspects in comprehensively understanding interreligious tensions.
Democracy and Social Policy in Southeast Asia: A Comparative Process Tracing Analysis Putra, Fadillah; Aminuddin, M. Faishal
Jurnal Politik Vol. 5, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

The relationship between democracy and social policy in Southeast Asia is a critical topic that has received insufficient attention. In general, trends in improving social policy as part of the government’s responsibility for citizens do not follow the trend of democratization. Even in autocratic countries, improving the quality of social policy is always a priority. This study answers the following question: what can the trend of improvement in social policy explain in relation to democratization at the state level? Through the comparative process tracing analysis method, this study demonstrated a discriminatory treatment factor in providing access to public services to certain groups related to the political forces that had been controlling the government. In addition, this study reveals several factors that have not been widely explained from the periodization of social policy changes in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines.

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