cover
Contact Name
Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
Contact Email
ma.alghozi@gmail.com
Phone
+6285272427654
Journal Mail Official
jurnalpolitik@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp.v7i1
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 94 Documents
Presidentialized Party di Indonesia: Kasus Perilaku PDI-P dalam Pencalonan Joko Widodo pada Pilpres 2014 Alhamid, Ahmad; Permana, Aditya
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
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Abstract

The mechanism of direct election in presidential election encourages political party to choose the most popular candidate even though he/she is a party outsider. It has a risk that the party or the general chairperson as “principal” will have difficulty controlling the nominated “agent” or outsider. Presidentialism at least changes the behavior of political parties in terms of nominating, electing, and governing. Through qualitative methods and data collection using interviews, this research raises the case study of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) behavior in the nomination of Joko Widodo as the Presidential Candidate of the Republic of Indonesia in the 2014 Election. By combining Samuels-Shugart’s model of presidentialized party (2010) and Kawamura (2013) as the main theory, coupled with the perspective of Poguntke-Webb (2005), this research produced several findings. First, PDI-P, although it was still dominated by Megawati Soekarnoputri role in the party’s decision, but exploited the popularity of outsider figure, Joko Widodo, to win the 2014 Election. Second, in the case of PDI-P, the principal-agent relation is unique because its principal is Megawati only, remembering her central role in the party. As for the agents, there are two parties, first, the party administrators who obedient to Megawati, and since the 2014 election, came the se¬cond agent namely Joko Widodo who got the mandate to manage the executive. Third, there are several internal conflict dynamics dominated by conflict between different interests of agents. Fourth, Megawati as principal was having difficulty in controlling her agent, Jokowi, so Megawati was often reminded him with the term “party officer”. This article argues that PDI-P was presidentialized although it still had a personalized party character.
Faktor-faktor Penghambat Ritel Berjaringan Masuk ke Kota Padang sampai Tahun 2017 Balqis, Monica
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
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Abstract

This article explains how local government can hamper the development of retail net¬work in Padang City. In the case of Padang, the local government in the era of economic decentralization is assumed to encourage openness to investment, instead of using the instrument of authority to block the entry of retail network. The author uses a qualitative-descriptive method to answer the problem by digging primary data and supplemented by published data. By analyzing through a barrier to entry mechanism, this mechanism stipulates that local governments inhibit the entry of retail network in order to prevent competition with local retailers through several key factors. This study approves that there are three main factors that hamper the entry of retail network in Padang City: government intervention in the retail industry, government policy is applied as market entry criteria and bureaucratic barrier that cause licensing delays.
Membaca Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia Aina, Qorry
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
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Abstract

Keluarga Politik Yasin Limpo Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Kabupaten Gowa Tahun 2015 Rusnaedy, Zaldy; Purwaningsih, Titin
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

This article discusses the modality of Yasin Limpo’s family in the 2015 Gowa Regency local election. The modality itself consists of economic, social, cultural, and political capital. This research applies qualitative approach which shows that influential capitals are actually the legacy of resources owned by an influential older member of the family. As he acted as regents in previous terms he controlled resources which in turn signifi¬cantly generate public support to the candidates in the 2015 local election. This article argues that the inheritance of modality in the form of the legacies of flagship programs is the most influential capital. The superiority of the the Yasin Limpo family in the Gowa District is in fact getting stronger shown by the domination of members of the family that compete as the frontrunner candidates, Adnan Purichta Ichsan and Tenri Olle.
The Discourse of Capitalist Class and Public Policy in the Handling of COVID-19 Pandemic in Indonesia Bahar, Adam Amin; Marijan, Kacung; Mardiyanta, Antun
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

In the early period of handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia, the Indonesian government prioritized the economy and health sectors. This study argues that these government actions and policies are heavily influenced by discourse from the capitalist class. This study aims to discuss the articulation of several different discursive elements of the capitalist class in the early period of handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia and its impact on public policy. This study focuses on two capitalist classes, namely medical and non-medical capitalists. This study found that the discursive elements from the government on these two significant issues had in common with the discursive elements of these two capitalist classes. The discourse of public discipline over the use of medical products from medical capitalists had the same discursive elements as that of government discourse. Both of them articulated this discourse with the aim of public health, but theoretically, this is important to increase the accumulation of capital in the health industry in the future. Another group of capitalists, however, generally see this pandemic as a disaster and an obstacle to continue their capital accumulation. Therefore, the central discourse that was raised by this group was the economic impact of this pandemic. Although these two discourses are different, this study found that they are not contradictory but rather complementary. The discourse spread by the two capitalist classes influenced state policy in dealing with COVID-19 in Indonesia significantly. This study emphasizes the importance of the discourse articulation of the capitalist class in the politics of policymaking, especially in Indonesia.
Managing Indonesian Head of Local Government Elections During the COVID-19 Pandemic Period Perdana, Aditya
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

This paper analyses the Local Government elections (Pilkada) in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic in relation to its postponement by looking at three critical aspects in the electoral management framework decision-making process, service outputs, and service outcomes framed. Some findings of this paper are: first, decision making for conducting the Pilkada 2020 was politically uneasy; second, good quality of service outputs from Pilkada 2020 was signed by convenience dimension which can be captured by voter compliance on health protocols in the polling station; third, the best evaluation for service outcomes is coming from the high percentage of voters turn out that need to explore more on that phenomena.
Power-Sharing as The Key of Secessionist Conflict Resolution in Developing Democratic Countries Jati, Wasisto Raharjo
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

This article explains how power-sharing could determine conflict resolution in develo¬ping states, particularly in developing countries. This scheme offers a win-win solution between state actors and the separatist movements to curb conflict and initiate pe¬ace-building at the grassroots level. Using a quantitative analysis that employed data¬sets from Power-Sharing Event Dataset (PSED) and Implementation of Pacts Dataset (IMPACT), this article notably reveals two important findings. First, the most promising power-sharing schemes are territorial and political power-sharing. Furthermore, the preliminary talk about ideal power-sharing consensus between the state actors and rebel groups is important to determine the outcome of power-sharing policies. Finally, this article concludes that the state capacity shows the final conflict resolution. Strong states can manage ethnic conflict, while weak state capacity could exacerbate the ethnic conflict.
Natural Resource Management and Institutional Dynamics: Myanmar and Indonesia in Comparative Perspective Fitristanti, Salsabila; Muhyidin, Ali
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

Natural resource management in the conflict area has raised a debate on how institutions adapt to conflict conditions. This paper utilizes Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework provided by Ratner by conducting a multi-case comparative specifying on the sub-national in Kachin (Myanmar) and Papua (Indonesia). The analysis focuses on how the institutional dynamics relate to collective action in the mining operation during the ongoing conflict. The empirical investigation shows that the different results occurred due to the diverse decentralization arrangement. The case in Kachin indicates some degree of difficulties in the decentralization arrangement. This condition raises the lack of transparency and participation, which implicates the unequal developments for local people. On the other hand, Papua’s case demonstrates the progress of systemic transformation and changing legal framework. The output reflected some improvements, though there is some degree of on its implementation.
Oligarchy and Netizens Fighting Controlling Indonesia Media Sunardi, Sunardi
Jurnal Politik Vol. 7, No. 2
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A Socio-Psychological Model of Urban Millennial Postgraduate Students’ Votes: Indonesia 2014 and 2019 Presidential Elections Erawaty, Dyah Permana; Salamah, Ummi
Jurnal Politik
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Abstract

The 2019 presidential election showed many swing voters between the candidates who battled for the second time. This study seeks to understand the cause behind voters’ decisions to switch their voters and how millennial voters with postgraduate education backgrounds swing their votes. This study treats the votes cast by urban millennial postgraduate students as its unit of analysis. Additionally, it aims to find out whether social media has contribution to switch votes. We employed the Columbian and Michigan approach to the socio-psychological model as our conceptual framework and incorporated a modification of the concept of mass self-communication, which includes the immersion of mass communication into interpersonal communication. This study was carried out under a qualitative post-positivist paradigm and used a single holistic case study research method. This study uses pattern-matching logic analysis techniques. The results show that millennial voters swung their votes in the 2019 presidential election because of social variables, namely religion, ethnicity, and family relations. On the psychological variables, we found no role played by party identification but instead an evaluation of candidates, such as incumbent performance and identity coherence, and issue orientation, particularly about human rights and women’s issues. We also found that voters’ decision-making process was influenced by political memes, which played a role as a gate to further social group discussions and motivation to learn more about the candidates’ identities. Additionally, presidential debates’ presentation of candidates’ debating skills contributed to voting decisions. Mass self-communication, particularly on social media, was not done concerning politics as voters did not want their political affiliation to be known by other internet users.

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