Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-undangan
LEGACY: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-undangan is a scientific journal contains original works from lecturers, researchers, students, and other concerned parties who have not been published or are not on the publication in the form of articles on the research and conceptual ideas on the subject of constitutional law. This journal publishes twice in a year on March and August, which spread throughout Indonesia and South East Asia in printed and online.
Articles
30 Documents
<![CDATA[KEDUDUKAN HUKUM PEMBERLAKUAN PEMBATASAN KEGIATAN MASYARAKAT DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>;
<![CDATA[Rizky Saputra]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Edisi Maret 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.1.1-23
<![CDATA[Semakin tingginya angka penyebaran Corona Virus Disease 2019 (Covid-19) di Indonesia ditindaklanjuti oleh Pemerintah dengan mengeluarkan kebijakan baru yakni Pemberlakuan Pembatasan Kegiatan Masyarakat. Seperti halnya kebijakan-kebijakan lain, pemberlakuan kebijakan ini sekali pun dinilai efektif oleh Pemerintah selayaknya harus tetap sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku di Indonesia. Kebijakan PPKM merupakan salah satu kebijakan dalam upaya penanggulangan pandemi Covid-19 yang tidak mempunyai kedudukan hukum yang jelas, karena frase Pemberlakukan Pembatasan Kegiatan Untuk Pengendalian Penyebaran Wabah tidak terdapat dalam UU No. 6 Tahun 2018 tentang Kekarantinaan Kesehatan. Rumusan masalah yang hendak dijawab dalam artikel ini adalah bagaimana kedudukan hukum Pemberlakuan Pembatasan Kegiatan Masyarakat ini di dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia?. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa terdapat sejumlah peraturan berkaitan dengan PPKM tersebut yang cacat secara formil.]]>
<![CDATA[DESAIN PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR, BUPATI/WALIKOTA PASCA PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NO. 55/PUU-XVII/2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurush Shobahah]]>;
<![CDATA[Much Anam Rifai]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Edisi Maret 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.1.24-45
<![CDATA[Diskursus desain penyelesaian perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota (baca: Pilkada) kembali mengemuka tatkala Mahkamah Konstitusi membacakan Putusan No. 55/PUU-XVII/2019 pada tanggal 26 Februari 2020. Pada Putusan tersebut muncul istilah Pemilu serentak yang di dalamnya memuat penyelenggaraan Pilkada. Pertanyaan yang muncul kemudian adalah apakah Pilkada masuk kembali ke rezim Pemilu setelah dalam Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 97/PUU-XI/2013 dan UU Pilkada dinyatakan bukan bagian dari Pemilu. Terbukti UU Pilkada mengamanatkan pembentukan badan peradilan khusus untuk menyelesaikan perselisihan hasil Pilkada. Lantas bagaimana sebenarnya standing position Pilkada? Apakah bagian dari Pemilu atau tidak? Sebab standing position itu mempengaruhi desain penyelesaian perselisihan hasil Pilkada. Melalui penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan (statute approach), dan pendekatan konseptual (conceptual approach), terjawab bahwa Pilkada bukanlah bagian dari Pemilu sehingga Mahkamah Konstitusi tidak memiliki kewenangan untuk menyelesaikan perselisihan hasilnya. Perselisihan hasil Pilkada dapat diberikan kepada badan peradilan di bawah Mahkamah Agung. Pilihannya ada dua yakni diberikan kepada PTTUN atau dibentuk badan peradilan khusus. Dengan pertimbangan efektifitas dan efisiensi, penulis berpendapat sebaiknya diberikan kepada PTTUN.]]>
<![CDATA[PERSPEKTIF TEORI SISTEM HUKUM DALAM PEMBAHARUAN PENGATURAN SISTEM PEMASYARAKATAN MILITER ]]>
<![CDATA[Priyo Hutomo]]>;
<![CDATA[Markus Marselinus Soge]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Edisi Maret 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.1.46-68
<![CDATA[Instrumen hukum pengaturan pembinaan narapidana militer di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan Militer saat ini masih berdasarkan peraturan masa kolonial dan setelah kemerdekaan, yang tidak sesuai dengan penyelenggaraan sistem pemasyarakatan nasional. Permasalahan disini adalah bagaimana perspektif Teori Sistem Hukum Lawrence M. Friedman dalam melakukan pembaharuan pengaturan Sistem Pemasyarakatan Militer. Metode penelitian hukum normatif digunakan dalam tulisan ini untuk meneliti hukum dalam kedudukannya sebagai norma, menggunakan data sekunder yaitu bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Data dikumpulkan dengan studi kepustakaan, kemudian diolah dan dianalisis dengan teknik deskriptif analisis isi. Hasil penelitian yaitu perspektif Teori Sistem Hukum Lawrence M. Friedman digunakan untuk melakukan pembaharuan pengaturan Sistem Pemasyarakatan Militer meliputi pembaharuan pada aspek struktur berupa penguatan kelembagaan Pemasyarakatan Militer, aspek substansi berupa penyusunan Rancangan Undang-Undang Pemasyarakatan Milier, dan aspek budaya berupa bimbingan kesadaran hukum dan reintegrasi sosial prajurit untuk kembali menjadi prajurit yang berjati diri TNI. Disaran agar dapat segera dilakukan pembaharuan terhadap instrumen hukum pengaturan Sistem Pemasyarakatan Militer menggunakan perspektif Teori Sistem Hukum Lawrence M. Friedman.]]>
<![CDATA[REKONSTRUKSI PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA INTERNAL PARTAI POLITIK DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Edisi Maret 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.1.69-95
<![CDATA[Sengketa internal partai politik merupakan salah satu persoalan sistematis dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Hal tersebut terjadi secara rutin dan hampir semua partai politik pernah mengalaminya. Namun meskipun menjadi persoalan rutin dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia, regulasi yang mengatur terkait sengketa internal tampak belum jelas, bahkan keterlibatan sejumlah lembaga tinggi negara dalam proses penyelesaian sengketa membuktikan bahwa permasalahan terkait sengketa internal partai politik masih jauh dari kata selesai. Kasus Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Golkar, dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan adalah catatan sengketa internal yang terjadi pasca reformasi. Pengaturan terkait sengketa internal harus diatur lebih jelas dalam undang-undang, sebagai upaya menciptakan regulasi yang mampu menyelesaikan sengketa internal partai politik yang berasaskan demokratis dan menujunjung asas kepastian hukum.]]>
<![CDATA[HAK KEBEBASAN EKSPRESI BERAGAMA DALAM DINAMIKA HUKUM DAN POLITIK DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Habib Luqman Hakim]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 1 (2021): Edisi Maret 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.1.96-111
<![CDATA[Kebebasan ekspresi beragama (freedom of religious exspression) merupakan bagian penting dari kebebasan beragama (freedom of religion). Aspek fundamental dalam beragama di antaranya adalah mengimani, mempraktikkan, dan menyiarkan ajaran agama. Kebebasan ekspresi beragama dalam kacamata hak asasi manusia dan konfigurasi ketatanegaraan mempunyai posisi yang kompleks. Meskipun kebebasan ekspresi beragama dijamin dalam konstitusi. Namun, dalam praktiknya di Indonesia, kebebasan ekspresi beragama selama 10 tahun terakhir mengalami tantangan dan degradasi. Penelitan ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Dan menyimpulkan bahwa setidaknya ada dua faktor penting yang menjadi tantangan kebebasan ekspresi beragama di Indonesia. Pertama, faktor hukum (regulasi) berupa perda. Kedua, faktor politik kedaerahan (lokal).]]>
<![CDATA[KETIDAKPATUHAN PEMERINTAH TERHADAP PUTUSAN PENGADILAN SEBAGAI IMPLIKASI PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 24/PUU-XV/2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Gelora Mahardika]]>;
<![CDATA[Mizza Faridatul Anifah]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Edisi Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.2.1-20
<![CDATA[The verdict of the Constitutional Court Number 24 / PUU-XV / 2017 which rejects the petition for judicial review Article 33 of Law Number 2 Year 2011 on Amendments to Law Number 2 of 2008 on Political Parties presents problems in the Indonesian constitutional system. The Constitutional Court as a constitution escort institution is seen as justifying the actions of the government that interpret the norms in this law subjectively. The ambiguity of this article causes the Government to be reluctant to execute court decisions that have permanent legal force. Indirectly, that’s decision make Djan Faridz's constitutional rights lost. This is because even though there have been several court decisions that have permanent legal force (inkracht van gewisjde), Djan Fraidz still has not received approval from the government. This condition is due to the Minister of Law and Human Rights interpreting subjectively the provisions in Article 33 which regulate internal party political disputes and in the norm stated that the Court's decision is the final decision and there is no dictum requiring the Minister to ratify the results of court decisions.]]>
<![CDATA[PENCETAKAN SERTIFIKAT VAKSIN OLEH PIHAK SWASTA ]]>
<![CDATA[Satrio Wibowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Edisi Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.2.21-37
<![CDATA[The Covid-19 vaccination has started in Indonesia in early 2021, marked by the President of Indonesia as the recipient of the first dose of vaccine. After two weeks, it was continued with the second dose. Proof of being a person who has been vaccinated is receiving a vaccine certificate. This method of recording vaccine certificates uses the Population Identification Number (NIK) and the vaccine recipient's telephone number. The form of this certificate is a piece of paper that is very easily damaged, so some private parties offer certificate printing in a form that is easy to carry, not easily damaged, and practical to carry around. The problems raised in this study are the legality of the private sector in printing vaccination certificates and the legal consequences of printing vaccine certificates. The method used in analyzing is using empirical juridical research by observing the phenomena that occur and reviewing the laws and regulations relating to and regulating the Covid19 vaccine certificate. The study results stated that the printing of vaccine certificates by the private sector was not explicitly regulated in the legislation. It had room for the private sector for commercial purposes.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK HUKUM PENGATURAN SISTEM INFORMASI PEMILU ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurush Shobahah]]>;
<![CDATA[Much Anam Rifai]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Edisi Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.2.38-56
<![CDATA[The Election information system is a one of tool used by General Election Commissions (KPU) to wage The Election in order to maintenance transparency, effectiveness and accountability. It has been done since 2014. However, there has been a few problem using these instruments, especially in use of Sipol, in absensce of its mandatory regulation. Through this normative legal research, researchers are trying to analyze tthe basics of legal policy of the Election Information System regulation, and also to analyze the differenciation between the purpose in using Election Information System Regulation from The Regulation Maker and General Election Commissions (KPU). In facts, most of Electoral Information System used by KPU are categorized as unmandatory regulation which is has no legal basis or legal mandatory regulation. This cause a problem such as a resistance from public for the subjectivity or will from the regulation maker in legalizing this electoral information system. Since 2019 National Election, th regulation maker still mandate that election conducted in conventional way or a manual system despite the will from KPU to use those electoral information system in order to maintenance transparency, effectiveness and accountability.]]>
<![CDATA[PENGATURAN ANGGARAN PENDAPATAN DAN BELANJA NEGARA MELALUI PERATURAN PEMERINTAH PENGGANTI UNDANG-UNDANG ]]>
<![CDATA[Moh Rizaldi]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Edisi Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.2.57-80
<![CDATA[It is still a matter of debate whether the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget can be regulated by government regulation in lieu of law. For the pros, this arrangement can be done because it is based on the suitability of types, hierarchies and content material. Meanwhile, for those who are contra, this arrangement violates the principle of people"s sovereignty and checks and balances. Not taking part in the debate, President Jokowidodo actually changed the State Budget Law through a Presidential Regulation. This paper criticizes the President"s actions as well as provides a solution to it by offering ideas in the form of amendments to the State Budget Law through government regulation in lieu of law. The problems raised in this research are, first, what limitations should be made to overcome the open-ended nature of Article 22 of the 1945 Amendment so that the President does not take excessive action? Second, is it necessary to amend the state budget Law through government regulation in lieu of law? This is doctrinal research. Through a statutory approach and conceptual approach, this paper concludes that first, limitation can be done by limiting the scope of the meaning of urgency that forces it and the material is limited to state administration only. Second, in an emergency situation, the existence of government regulations in lieu of law is needed to amend the state budget Law.]]>
<![CDATA[SINKRONISASI PENGATURAN KEWENANGAN CABANG RUTAN BNN TERHADAP PP NOMOR 58 TAHUN 1999 DALAM KERANGKA SISTEM PEMASYARAKATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Markus Marselinus Soge]]>
<![CDATA[ Legacy: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundang-Undangan Vol 1 No 2 (2021): Edisi Agustus 2021 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departement of Constitutional Law IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/legacy.2021.1.2.81-103
<![CDATA[The responsibility of organizing the correctional system includes the construction of inmates and the treatment of prisoners at the Directorate General of Corrections, but in practice, prisoners are not always in Rutan or Rutan Branch owned by Kemenkumham. BNN also manages Rutan Branch which is regulated in BNN Head Regulation No. 6 of 2016 concerning Prisoner Supervision. The problem here is how the synchronization level of the regulation of the authority of Rutan Branch of BNN against PP No.58 of 1999 within the framework of the correctional system. Normative legal research methods with legal approaches are used in this paper, and also used secondary data, namely primary and secondary legal materials. The data is collected by library study techniques, then qualitatively analyzed with legal interpretation. The results of the study are using guidelines for evaluation of legislation, especially table 3 assessment with variable 'authority' then the BNN Head Regulation No. 6 of 2016 is unsynchronized with PP No.58 of 1999 in the indicator 'there are arrangements about the same authority on 2 (two) or more regulations whose hierarchy is different, but the implementing agencies are different'. It is recommended that the Directorate General of Corrections of Kemenkumham can coordinate with BNN to discuss the unsynchronized of the authority arrangements of the Rutan Branch of BNN related to the supervision of prisoners to strengthen the implementation of the correctional system.]]>
