Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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<![CDATA[Analisis Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Korea Selatan Dalam Pemasangan Sistem Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) ]]>
<![CDATA[Qonita, Maulida Ibnaty]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanura, Marten]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[A country's foreign policy is the most important thing in the continuity of relations with other countries, but does not leave behind the values that apply in the domestic sphere. Policy makers need to consider domestic interests in order to set the policies. The policy of installing the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system in South Korea was determined in response to a North Korean nuclear test. However, this policy caused various negative reactions from domestic and other countries. Furthermore, negative reactions also comes from other countries such as China for several reasons of their objections. This study aims to determine the factors that cause changes in South Korea's foreign policy in the installation of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system. This study uses the Upper-left Box Liberalism theory with an actor-centrational rationalist approach. This type of research is qualitative which aims to understand the process of changing a country's foreign policy. The results of the research are domestic interests and international restrains influence a country in establishing its foreign policy. For further research, the authors suggest discussing this case with other views or theories so that they can be seen from various perspectives. Moreover, the discussion of South Korea's policies in the installation of anti-missiles can be seen from the point of view of other countries that the authors are unable to discuss further and more detail.]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Anti-Perdagangan Narkoba Amerika Serikat dan Kuba Sebagai Isu Keamanan Nasional Pada Era Pemerintahan Donald J. Trump ]]>
<![CDATA[Esmeralda, Ranisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Putranti, Ika Riswanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Despite all of the conflicts involving the two countries, in reality, the United States of America has an anti-drug trafficking cooperation with Cuba. This research aims to explain the reason on why the U.S. wants the cooperation. The non-traditional security concept will assist this research in explaining the aforementioned cooperation between the U.S. and Cuba. In this advanced era, drugs have evolved into one of the complex problems that is included in the issues of non-traditional security. As for the countermeasure, the non-traditional security concept believes that transnational approach is the perfect way to do it. Under the government of President Trump, U.S. seemed to be more focused on domestic countermeasures. While Cuba, as the weaker state and has less power, is also threatened by the troubling problems that arises from drugs. Therefore, the cooperation between the two countries is deemed as the perfect way to countermeasure all of the problems spiraling from drugs and to protect the national security of each country.]]>
<![CDATA[Psychoanalytical Approach to Transnational Money Laundering Utilizing Japanese Mobile Online Games with Gacha System: A Forecasting Study ]]>
<![CDATA[Pramanta, Rio Akbar]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The problems to face money laundering acts are the methods which the criminals are usingthat keeps on changing and improving along with the development of modern technology.While law enforcement mostly trying to prevent it by tampering by the technology used, thereis a blind spot where there exists the reason of why and how the crime was possible in the firstplace. Some even neglected and underestimated by the authorities because of how the societyviews it in general, this is the recklessness the criminals can exploit. While money launderingutilizing Online Games, moreover with a Gacha system may sounds as bizarre as it is, it canbe done and this article is intended to explain the what, why, who, and how of it. Using theLacanian Psychoanalysis as a problem dissecting tool, the key here is to explain what makesthe condition and environment where such crime is possible, involving the Otaku Subculturepart of society in Japan and Indonesia, the companies behind it, and the Mobile Online Gamesitself. This article is forecasting the problems that will emerges concerning the crime of moneylaundering and its methods.]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Diplomasi Indonesia-Arab Saudi Pada Kasus Tenaga Kerja Tuti Tursilawati ]]>
<![CDATA[Priambodo, Dimas Bagas]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Rr. Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to analyze the causes of the failure of Indonesian diplomacy in the Tuti Tursilawati case in Saudi Arabia by looking at various efforts made by the Indonesian government as a sending country. the concept used in this study is the concept of diplomacy in which in this concept there are several phases that must be passed to achieve the ultimate goal of problem solving, and in this study will be highlighted regarding the pre-negotiation steps that require agreement to negotiate, agreement on the negotiation agenda, and agreement procedure to be able to move to the next stage. but in the case raised in this study, the diplomatic step taken by Indonesia failed because the preconditions that were not fulfilled in the pre-negotiation phase made it difficult to bring Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table and resolve legal issues experienced by Tuti Tursilawati, until finally she was executed. died on October 29, 2018.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Persepsi Keamanan Nasional India Terhadap Serangan Siber dari Pakistan 2008-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratiwi, Ratna Ayu Paramitha]]>;
<![CDATA[Susiatiningsih, Rr. Hermini]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The conflict between India and Pakistan has occurred before independent both of those countries, then continued until they involved in complex pattern of conflict. The development of information and communication technology has influenced on developments leading to cyber conflicts. This conflict makes the perception of India's national security needs to be revised again. In this study, writer discusses Indian cyber security after the Pakistani cyber attack, and looks at India's actions in the cyber attack. This research uses a qualitative method using descriptive. Using Barry Buzan's security theory where individuals and states can be subject and object of reference. The results showed that cyber attacks from Pakistan led to India's critical infrastructure (CI), the existential threats in this case not physical but as cyber. The perception of cyber threats from Pakistan regarded India as confrontation to deal with conflict. Based on this perception has a significant influence of act the of Indian cyber security. Then the writer also looks at Indian national security measures involving nonstate actors involved in cyber conflicts with Pakistan.]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia Menyangkut Ketidakikutsertaan Dalam Ratifikasi Konvensi UNESCO 1970 Untuk Memberantas Pencurian Dan Perdagangan Gelap Benda Cagar Budaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Larosasari, Liliantoro Diyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[As a nation that rich in cultural heritage, thievery as well as illicit cultural propertyobject are still take place in Indonesia. Also called 'trafficking of cultural property', thiscriminal act categorized as a transnational crime. Later on UNESCO initiate aninternational regulation to oversee the cultural property movement amongst nations called1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import,Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property as a response towards numerouscases in this field that keeps occuring. Nevertheless, Indonesia has not willing to ratify theconvention as on of their foreign policy up to this moment. In order to study why Indonesiadid not ratify that international convention with annalyzing the data qualitatively thenexamine it using Rational Choice Theory by Hadiwinata and Glaser. Then based onresearch, it can be said that there are contrasts between UNESCO 1970 convention andIndonesia's law mechanism (2010 Law No. 11 about Cultural Object), the limited number ofhuman resources, and the slight interests of Indonesia with convention partying countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Doktrin Poros Maritim Dunia Era Jokowi dan Keamanan di Bidang Maritim Studi Kasus: Perdagangan Narkotika Jalur Laut Tahun 2014-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Hakiki, Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Immediately after being elected in 2014, President Joko Widodo put forward the desire to makeIndonesia's sea territory the main policy focus. This is implemented by issuing the doctrine ofthe "Global Maritime Axis". President Jokowi also launched a development agenda focusingon five pillars, one of which concerns maritime security. Narcotics trafficking through the seais one of the various threats to maritime security in Indonesia. This is also exacerbated by thestatus of Indonesia which is called a narcotics emergency. This research aims to analyze theimpact of the "Global Maritime Axis" doctrine on maritime security, as seen from thedevelopment of cases of trafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in 2014 to 2018.This research uses the concept of maritime security in understanding the policies of PresidentJokowi's government in dealing with narcotics trafficking by sea. This research analyzes theimpact of the global maritime axis doctrine on government policies, both internal andinternational cooperation. The results of this research indicate that the policies issued by thegovernment have a positive influence, but are still not optimal in dealing with the problem oftrafficking in narcotics through the sea that occurred in the period of 2014 to 2018. This isbecause there are limitations in terms of facilities and infrastructure, the lack of coordinationbetween the parties involved, and the cooperation that is carried out mostly is still at an earlystage and has not shown significant results.]]>
<![CDATA[Insitusi Internasional sebagai Representasi Individu: Faktor Ketidakefektifan ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation dalam Mekanisme Penyelesaian Konflik di Asia Tenggara ]]>
<![CDATA[Irfansyah, Fadhila]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) has several mechanisms for resolving conflicts, the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (AIPR) is one of them, which formed by the legitimacy of ASEAN to resolve conflicts. But, since it was formed, A-IPR did not going well resolving those conflicts. Southeast Asian countries prefer to resolve conflicts in their own ways, namely by means of unilateralism and bilateralism. So A-IPR becomes a pseudo institutionbecause it doesn't work according to the function they’ve been set. Some conflicts, such as theborder conflicts between Thailand and Cambodia, Myanmar's internal conflict, and the Sabahconflict between Malaysia and the Philippines also went that way. These countries prefer toresolve those conflicts in their own way rather than through the AIPR path. Even though AIPR has a management and conflict resolution function. This research wants to explain the reasons of the Southeast Asian countries not using A-IPR as conflict resolution mechanism using the perspective of idiosyncratism. This study argues that the ineffectiveness of A-IPR is because the institution was formed based solely on the personal preferences of the initiatior which is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono without considering the desires of other countries. So that A-IPR only becomes a pseudo institution without support from it’s member.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Kepentingan Nasional dan Interdependensi Ekonomi Terhadap Kebijakan Expeditious Disengagement Tiongkok-India pada Krisis Doklam 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rejeki, Wahyu Sri]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Doklam crisis occurred in 2017 and caused increased tensions between China and India, which had relatively more stable relations after the 1962 war. The crisis was caused by direct violations committed by China by building roads in the border region with Bhutan. The border of Doklam which triggers tension is a border area between China and Bhutan, while Bhutan is a country that legally receives military protection from India according to the 1949 Friendship treaty agreement. Tensions between the two countries decreased with an agreement for 'expeditious disengagement' to restore the 'status quo', the agreement took place quickly even though the two countries were previously at odds with each other. This study aims to analyze the factors that led to the achievement of policies to reduce tensions between China and India. This study uses a qualitative method using the concepts of national interest and economic interdependence. The results of this study indicate that expeditious disengagement policy to reduce tensions between China and India is influenced by the concept of national interests and economic interdependence.]]>
<![CDATA[Psychoanalytical Approach to Transnational Money Laundering Utilizing Japanese Mobile Online Games with Gacha System: A Forecasting Study ]]>
<![CDATA[Pramanta, Rio Akbar]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 5, Nomor 4, Tahun 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The problems to face money laundering acts are the methods which the criminals are usingthat keeps on changing and improving along with the development of modern technology.While law enforcement mostly trying to prevent it by tampering by the technology used, thereis a blind spot where there exists the reason of why and how the crime was possible in the firstplace. Some even neglected and underestimated by the authorities because of how the societyviews it in general, this is the recklessness the criminals can exploit. While money launderingutilizing Online Games, moreover with a Gacha system may sounds as bizarre as it is, it canbe done and this article is intended to explain the what, why, who, and how of it. Using theLacanian Psychoanalysis as a problem dissecting tool, the key here is to explain what makesthe condition and environment where such crime is possible, involving the Otaku Subculturepart of society in Japan and Indonesia, the companies behind it, and the Mobile Online Gamesitself. This article is forecasting the problems that will emerges concerning the crime of moneylaundering and its methods.]]>
