Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
Articles
14 Documents
Search results for
, issue
"Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020"
:
14 Documents
clear
<![CDATA[Dinamika AS dengan RRC Dalam Persaingan untuk Kepemimpinan Global di Bidang Artificial Intelligence tahun 2016-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismail, Dimas Fajar Taufiq]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (739.51 KB)
<![CDATA[The exponential development of the US in the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI) has given birth to various technological innovations that transforming the modern societies throughout the world and bringing the US to the top position in the current international system. However, the rapid progress of the PRC in the field of AI and its ambition to become the new global leader in this field, made the US worry that the PRC will replace the US’s position as a superpower in the international system. This study aims to analyze US and PRC policies in the competition for global leadership in the field of AI and to find out the motives that drive the US and PRC to become global leaders in this field. This study will use descriptive-qualitative design/type in order to describe and explain the actions and behaviour of US and PRC related to the competition for global leadership in the field of AI. The writer use the method of literature review for the data collection in this study. This research uses the concepts of ‘power’ and 'global leadership', then relates them to the development of science and technology. The results of this study are that the motive of accumulation of power primarily drives US and PRC policies in the competition for global leadership in the field of AI, and this competition also cause high tensions in their bilateral relations.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Uni Eropa Dalam Mengatasi Perompakan di Somalia Tahun 2008-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Tobing, Gracia Gerina L]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (716.233 KB)
<![CDATA[Somalia is a state located at the Horn of Africa which is geographically strategic. Somalia Sea to the Gulf of Aden is an essential route used by foreign ships as international trade route. The emergence of Somali Piracy cases in international seas has become quite a threat for several years. Piracy has harmed European Union states and brought negative effect towards the global trade route. European Union, an international institution which concerns on global issue, made cooperation with Somalia. The purpose of this research was to know the motive behind European Union’s involvement in Somalia. This research used explanative method with institutional liberalism perspective and collective security concept to explain this matter. The result of this research shows the involvement of the EU in Somalia departs from its fundamental principles where foreign policy takes four main forms which are Enlargement, Stabilization, Bilateralism and Interregionalism. This approach is based on active diplomacy, support for political change, increased security, development assistance and humanitarian assistance. A comprehensive approach in the Somali piracy case is determined by the fact that military missions in Somali waters are only a short-term solution and improvements in programs must be increased in order to get the expected impact. EU hopes to guarantee security on an ongoing basis by establishing maritime ship surveillance operations and maritime training on land. EU recognizes the interdependence of various global security challenges by linking security issues and highlighting the possibility of interaction between piracy threats.]]>
<![CDATA[Penyesuaian Norma Global di Asia Tenggara: Konsep Adopsi Parsial Dalam Lokalisasi Responsibility to Protect Dalam Krisis Humaniter Myanmar 2008 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mahardika, Asyifa]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (685.503 KB)
<![CDATA[Debate over Responsibility to Protect in ASEAN has not reached any consensus up until now. This is caused by a clash between Responsibility to Protect and ASEAN Way. Some argues that Responsibility to Protect is applicable in ASEAN, while the rest thinks otherwise. By using norm localization as part of constructivism, this research aims to give a brand new notion that Responsibility to Protect might be applied partially in ASEAN. A case of study about Myanmar humanitarian crisis in 2008 serves a set of implicit yet explicit proves on how Responsibility to Protect can be applied in ASEAN. Data were collected using literature study and official documentaries, and analyzed using causal-process tracing. The result of this research shows that ASEAN had penetrated all steps in Responsibility to Protect localization. Although the final step isn’t perfectly done yet, ASEAN is proved to be receiving the main principal of Responsibility to Protect]]>
<![CDATA[Kebijakan Indonesia Terhadap Korban Kejahatan Perdagangan Orang di Malaysia (2012-2017) ]]>
<![CDATA[Dwirivanda, Aditya Rizky]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (698.283 KB)
<![CDATA[Human trafficking as a form of transnational crime has now become a hot issue in international relations and has been widely discussed in any international forums, this is related to the number of victims that increased almost each year. Indonesia is one of the countries affected by this transnational crime activity. In dealing with this crime phenomenon, Indonesian government then took a stand by issuing policies that refer to the Act. Not only domestic policies, Indonesia also has foreign policies by establishing cooperation with Malaysia which is realized in the Joint Police Cooperation Committee as cooperation between the two countries in tackling cross-border crime that occurs at the borders of the two countries. This study aims to look at the policy strategies that Indonesia has in combating crime against trafficking and handling victims, with using the theory of liberalism and international cooperation. This study uses qualitative methods with descriptive analysis and literature review and interview research techniques. This study found many factors that caused victims of human trafficking crimes to be always high in addition to the Government which had policies and cooperation in this matter.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Konvensi the United Nation General Assembly Special Session on Drugs 2016 Terhadap Stabilitas Keamanan Negara Mexico ]]>
<![CDATA[Ariyanto, Khidam Sariyyan]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanura, Marten]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (823.261 KB)
<![CDATA[In 2016 Mexico tried hard to encourage the United Nations to be able to provide a solution to the problems in their country, namely the cartel war which until now the tension is still felt by the people to create chaos. UNODC as a facilitator and as part of protection against narcotics and terror crimes agreed to hold an annual meeting of UNGASS, which during the meeting as a whole in April 2016 discussed changes in policy on certain compounds to be able to overcome cartel problems that disrupt national security in the country. The UNGASS results were welcomed by countries that really needed a solution rather than a deadlock in solving the problem of war between the cartels, in which the elected President of Mexico in 2016 President Jose Pena Nieto ratified the international policy and hoped for a change in Mexico's security stability. Increasing prediction of narcotics in the category of "hard drugs" which is a form of ineffectiveness as a result of the previous narcotics convention (convention 1961), changes in the legal status of cannabis approved by international organizations is a form of effort to handle cases of narcotics distribution in the world without using violence. The use of the concept of the International Regime according to Stephen D. Kranser which focuses on the creation of norms of a regime and is explained using the Participant Understanding approach in responding to Mexico's participation in creating and implementing the 2016 UNGASS recommendation policy into its national law which is a form of the country's seriousness in overcoming and overcoming resolve cartel problems that interfere with Mexico's security stability.]]>
<![CDATA[Kelemahan Administratif sebagai Penyebab Rendahnya Kepatuhan Indonesia terhadap UNESCO World Heritage Convention dalam Pelaksanaan Konservasi Borobudur ]]>
<![CDATA[Elmira, Nabilah Rifdha]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (758.056 KB)
<![CDATA[This research is based on the findings that there are non-compliances to the UNESCO 1972 Convention Concerning the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage occurring in Borobudur Temple Compounds conservation practice. The non-compliances are evident as the UNESCO had issued two Reactive Monitorings and seven State of Conservation reports consisting of evaluations and recommendations following the non-compliances. Using Ronald B. Mitchell’s Compliance Theory, this research aims to find the cause of noncompliances occurring in Borobudur Temple Compounds conservation practice. Stakeholder Power and Interest Matrix and Actor-Linkage Matrices are used in order to find the primary actors having the biggest influences in the conservation practice.]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Indonesia-Nigeria dalam Menangani Jaringan Perdagangan Narkoba Nigeria di Indonesia. Periode 2015-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Perdana, Yonathan Addo Putra]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (687.537 KB)
<![CDATA[As a country of more than 260 million people, Indonesia has a strong market appeal, including for drug trafficking networks. Therefore, Indonesia is no longer seen merely as a transit country, but rather as a destination country (main destination). There were many cases of trafficking and drug use in Indonesia, until President Joko Widodo at the beginning of his government in 2014 declared Indonesia a drug emergency. One of the largest syndicate networks supplying drugs to Indonesia comes from Nigeria. Therefore, Indonesia needs cooperation with Nigeria in order to overcome the rampant drug trafficking in the country. A bilateral cooperation needed in dealing with drug trafficking was finally realized in the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in Abuja in February 2013.This study aims to analyze the form and results of Nigeria's cooperation with Indonesia related to the Nigerian network of drug trafficking in Indonesia in the period 2015 to 2017. The type of research is descriptive qualitative, while data collection is conducted by interview, observation and documentation study. The author uses the Liberalism theory to discuss about this issue. This research shows that the cooperation between Indonesia and Nigeria resulting number of case involving Nigerian people in Indonesia is decreasing]]>
<![CDATA[Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusi dalam Proyek Gibe III di Ethiopia Tahun 2006-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sari, Yunita Arum]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (587.006 KB)
<![CDATA[The construction of the Gilgel Gibe III dam in 2006-2015 by the Ethiopian government as an effort to deal with the drought and to improve the people's welfare, has raised many issues. A number of human rights violations to indigenous peoples such as violence, rape, murder, ill-treatment, and forced displacement (villagization) were indicated during the development period, also resulting a number of environmental impacts. This study uses qualitative methods to explain the factors behind the government's actions. These factors are analyzed to find out what rights have been violated by the Ethiopian government. To answer the incident, the writer uses the theory of natural rights, green criminology, and legal responsibility. The results found that the government underestimated and lacked respect for the rights of minority tribes such as basic rights, the right to participate in development, the right to development information, and the right to land. Furthermore, it can be said that number of actions by the Ethiopian government as a crime against human rights. Therefore, decisive action as warning or sanction to the Ethiopian government are needed.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Indonesia dalam Penanganan Kasus Wilfrida Soik di Malaysia Tahun 2010-2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Dewi, Ardillah Fauziyyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (392.532 KB)
<![CDATA[This research discusses about Indonesian diplomacy of Wilfrida Soik case in Malaysia on 2010-2015. Wilfrida Soik is an Indonesian worker who is threatened with a death penalty because of a murder case committed to her employer. This research aims to explain the problems of Indonesian workers in Malaysia which focus on Wilfrida Soik case. Diplomacy is also carried out by Indonesian government to liberate Wilfrida Soik from the death penalty in Malaysia since 2010. This research analyses Indonesia's diplomacy efforts through the government and related parties by using multi-track diplomacy and protection diplomacy concepts. This research uses qualitative research methods and data collection techniques through literature studies and interviews. The final results of this research showed that Indonesian diplomacy in Wilfrida Soik case was carried out through diplomacy efforts by the government, legal assistance and advocacy efforts by Migrant CARE. The multi-track diplomacy in the Wilfrida Soik case was conducted through nine channels, those are government, NGOs, business, citizens, education, activists, religious activities, fundraising and communication in the form of public opinion. The actions from Indonesian government and various non-governmental entities was indirect attempts to absolve Wilfrida Soik from the verdict. It is categorized as indirect due to the independent decision of the High Court which cannot be contested. Thus the liberation attempts from those entities need to be affecting the decision of the Malaysian High Court. The efforts of the Indonesian government and various non-governmental entities in conducting protection diplomacy fulfill several aspects of multi-track diplomacy, so that the efforts made by the government had achieved the goals of diplomacy in the Wilfrida Soik case.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Emosi Presiden Donald Trump Terhadap Penarikan diri Amerika Serikat dari Paris Agreement ]]>
<![CDATA[Sinaga, Irene F]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosyidin, Mohamad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 3, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (822.341 KB)
<![CDATA[USA was one of its parties who signed Paris Agreement on the first date it was open for signature. Nevertheless, the euphoria of leading the world by example could not last longer. It happened when Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th President of the US on January 2017, succeeding Barack Obama. He announced that US would withdraw from the Paris climate accord. With his announcement, President Trump has snubbed the international climate policy community, also confused numerous world leaders and civilians across the world. Previous article journals on US withdrawal from the accord mostly focused on the national interest of US, and effects of the US withdrawal from Paris Agreement on the accord. In the present paper, authour would find another factor behind influencing Trump’s decision to quit from the accord connected emotion theory. Researcher argues that Trump’s emotion specifically his anger is one of the factors that influences US quit from the Paris Agreement.]]>
