Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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<![CDATA[Kepatuhan Indonesia Terhadap Perjanjian Internasional Mengenai Isu Lingkungan Hidup yang Berdampak Pada Perubahan Iklim, Studi Kasus: Deforestasi Jambi dan Riau ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratama, Muhammad Wirya]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Purpose of this study is to determine Indonesia’s compliance with international agreements, namely the Kyoto Protocol on environmental issues in the Riau and Jambi regions. This environmental issue led Indonesia to ratify the Kyoto Protocol contained in Law Number 17 of 2004 to reduce carbon emissions which until now has not seen any results. Therefore this research aims to find out whether Indonesia complies with international treaties that have been ratified and endorsed. The concept that used in this study is the concept of compliance with 3 (three) main indicators, namely : Output, Outcome, and Impact. This research will use a qualitative method that analyze how obedient Indonesia against international agreement specifically Kyoto Protocol on environmental issues which is currently quite interesting to considered in Indonesia, especially in the Riau and Jambi regions. This research began in the year of 2004 to 2015. On the other hand, Indonesia is in the category of passive comply, which shows that Indonesia’s ability is in the comply position but not directly and focused. So, in the other words, Indonesia tends to be difficult to comply with this Kyoto Protocol.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kepatuhan Australia dan Indonesia Terhadap Code of Conduct dalam Hubungan Indonesia – Australia Sebagai Konsekuensi Adanya Penyadapan Tahun 2014-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Kristanto, Gladys Ariella]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Indonesia and Australia have an unique bilateral relations. After the espionage case by Australia revealed the Indonesia-Australia bilateral relations get into critical phase. Some cooperation have to stopped temporarily until there is a firm action from Australia such as the signing of a Code of Conduct. Meanwhile, if between Indonesia and Australia does not end this tension, both of them would have difficulty in carrying out their respective national interests. Both of them certainly have an interest especially in their defense and intelligence cooperation. Therefore, Indonesia - Australia agreed on the existence of a Code of Conduct in 2014 as a bridge in the process of restoring trust. This research uses the concept of compliance in determining the attitude of the two countries, as well as using the theory of institutional neo-liberalism in implementing international regimes. The results showed both countries adhere to the CoC based on factors of efficiency, national interests and norms]]>
<![CDATA[Polemic of Indian Government Deportation Policy Towards Rohingya ]]>
<![CDATA[Erlangga, Alvin Ferian]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This article aims to explain why The Government of India in which have consistently implemented the policy of accepting refugees decided to deport Rohingya Refugees in 2018-2019. In this research there is an explanation of the facts that show the relation of refugee policies adopted by the Indian government and the phenomenon of deportation. This study uses a Post-Modernist framework with a Discourse Analysis approach. Based on the findings of this study it was revealed that the existence of deportation policy towards Rohingya refugees has a close relation with the discourse changes that occur due to the power-relations mechanism which involves the BJP government, right-wing Hindu groups, and the process of social cognition process from Indian Society.]]>
<![CDATA[Kegagalan Penerapan Prinsip CEDAW oleh India dalam Menangani Kasus Dowry Death ]]>
<![CDATA[Siswanto, Lisa Cahyanida]]>;
<![CDATA[Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[India is one of 189 countries that ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), a convention that protects women's rights. However, the practice of dowry that harms women continues to this day. This practice requires the bride to grant a number of dowry to the groom. Dowry’s request that was not fulfilled prompted the groom’s family to commit acts of violence that could result in bride’s death. This phenomenon has known as dowry death. Hence, this research seeks to prove the reason for the existence of dowry deaths even though India has already ratified CEDAW. This research is a qualitative research that explained through the concept of noncompliance. This research found that the practice of dowry continued to occur due to the lack of optimal implementation of CEDAW by India’s government, NGOs and local communities.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Kebijakan Bebas Visa Kunjungan Singkat Terhadap Kasus Penyelundupan Narkoba di Indonesia Tahun 2016-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mukti, Rahardian Krishna]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Indonesian Government has had a drug problem since the Dutch colonial era. This is a legacy that is currently still a problem in the handling, eradication and prevention of drugs in Indonesia. On the other hand, the Government of Indonesia has a Visa Free Short Visit policy for 169 countries. The policy was formed with the aim of increasing economic foreign exchange through the tourism sector. However, this policy actually has an impact on increasing the number of drug smuggling cases committed by foreign nationals in Indonesia. This study aims to explain how the effect of Visa-Free Short Visit on drug smuggling in Indonesia, using qualitative research methods with secondary data sources. In analyzing Visa-Free Short Visit, this study uses the theory of globalization and transnationalism. The theory of globalization and transnationalism will analyze and explain that the openness of the state can affect the risk of state security. This research ultimately reveals that the Visa Free Short Visit to 169 countries has vulnerabilities to state security such as drug smuggling problems so that this policy needs further evaluation.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Perubahan Sikap Uni Eropa Terhadap Impor Minyak Kelapa Sawit Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Pradhana, Muhammad Aditya]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The European Union is one of the largest energy user in the world, but due to lack of natural resources the European Union fullfill energy needs by import. To reduce its energy imports the European Union created the Renewable Energy Directive to stimulate the use and production of alternative energy such as biofuels. Biofuel is an alternative energy made from vegetable oils. One of the vegetable oils used by the European Union in making biofuels is palm oil. in 2017 the European Union made a resolution to stop imports of palm oil from Indonesia in 2021 due to environmental issues. Palm oil plantations in Indonesia are considered not sustainable and violate human rights. In 2018, the European Union raised the Renewable Energy Directive II, which delayed the ban on imports of palm oil from 2021 to 2030. The purpose of this study was to find out the reasons behind the change of attitude by the European Union in the import of palm oil. In analyzing the change, this study uses the theory of new institutionalism that sees at the interests that exist within the European Union and European Union member states to achieve even greater goals]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Indonesia Terhadap Regulasi UNESCO Convention 2001 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wibowo, Maulana Satria]]>;
<![CDATA[Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[UNESCO has been recommending the “UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage†or commonly referred to as the 2001 UNESCO Convention as a conservation procedure for Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) which prioritizes the protection of historical, cultural and scientific values. Through several conferences and discussions, UNESCO has always encouraged countries that have strategic sea areas to immediately ratify by considering the potential underwater relics in its territories. The Republic of Indonesia, as the biggest archipelagic country nowadays has not ratified the convention. Even though, this research argues that Indonesia does not have strong regulations and always experiences obstacles in securing Underwater Cultural Heritage these days. This research is trying to seek and solve the research question with all the existing vulnerabilities, why until now Indonesia has not ratified the 2001 UNESCO Convention. This research will identify the background factors that make Indonesia reluctant and have not taken action to ratify the convention. For the tools analyzing in this case study, this research will use Decision Making Approach by Graham T. Allison, with 2 approach models namely Rational Actor Model and Organizational Model. This study found that rational factors were the reason for Indonesia not to ratify the 2001 UNESCO Convention.]]>
<![CDATA[Tiongkok: Analisa Balance Of Power dalam Perang Dagang antara Amerika Serikat dengan Tiongkok pada Tahun 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Khoiriyah, Khakimatul]]>;
<![CDATA[Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[China became an emerging economic power whose the presence in international affairs, that cause United States as a hegemon felt its position and national security threatened. This research would explained how China effort to balance the power of United States as a hegemon which is cause trade wars between both countries on 2018. This research use neorealism theory, specifically defensive realism with balance of power concept. This research argues that Belt and Road initiative, Made in China 2025 development project, technology development as a defense strategy and geopolitical strategy are the balancing way that be done by China which trigerred trade wars with Unites States. Data is collected using literature reviews, documentation, and official government archives. The results of this study indicate that the initiation carried out by China with belt and road initiative, made in China 2025, technology development as a defense strategy and geopolitical strategy are China's effort to balance power with the United States as a hegemon, the power used by China in balancing power with the United states is combination from both forms of power between material strength (hard power) and latent power (soft power) possessed by a country, that is smart power.]]>
<![CDATA[Relativitas Budaya dan Berlangsungnya Budaya Bacha Bazi di Afganistan Pasca Pemerintahan Taliban ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramadhani, Dwi]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramasatya, Satwika]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research explains the issue of opposing human rights carried out by the people of Afghanistan against boys through the bacha bazi culture. The conservative culture in Afghanistan led to a separation between men and women, thus bacha bazi serves to be a means of fulfilling the sexual needs of the male community in Afghanistan. “Women are for children, boys are for pleasure†is a famous sentence that explains the culture of bacha bazi for the people of Afghanistan. Although very normal, bacha bazi is taboo to talk about so that the practice is done in secret. The Taliban regime in 1996-2001 was able to abolish the bacha bazi culture, but with the fall of the regime, this culture is increasingly spreading. Domestic and international organizations, as well as foreign troops in Afghanistan, have sought to eradicate the culture, but have encountered difficulties. So this research was conducted to answer how the bacha bazi culture can take place after the Taliban government. The research methodology is an explanative qualitative method through data collection techniques with a literature study. The results of this study are proof that cultural relativity keeps this culture going on in Afghanistan despite violating human rights.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Digital Midwives4all Sebagai Kebijakan Luar Negeri Feminis Swedia di Uganda ]]>
<![CDATA[Br. Ginting Manik, Junita Yolanda]]>;
<![CDATA[Paramasatya, Satwika]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The existence of digitalization has influenced all aspects of life, including international relations, the internet revolution requires a country to race against the times by working actively outside the field of traditional diplomacy. The increasing use of online platforms as well as the wider, fast and efficient reach generated by the transformation of the internet has produced new concepts in the field of diplomacy, namely digital diplomacy. In connection with the feminist foreign policy ideas adopted by Sweden, the Midwives4all Campaign launched in 2015 is one of the initiatives taken by Sweden to mobilize support for gender equality and fulfillment of women's human rights in Uganda. This digital campaign enables the Swedish government to project Swedish values and reach various communities in Uganda through various media both online and offline as well as through champions embraced by the Swedish government to build awareness of the important role of midwives in increasing fulfillment of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) which is one of the six external objectives of Swedish feminist foreign policy. This study intends to explain how the Midwives4all Campaign influences efforts to fulfill women's rights in Uganda. This study will be using qualitative research methods with process-tracing data analysis methods and uses the concept of feminist foreign policy and liberal feminism as the basis for analysis in this paper.]]>
