JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles
222 Documents
<![CDATA[The Unbreakable Relations Between Indonesia-Vietnam Post “Sink the Vessels†Policy: A Complex Systems Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[Kantaprawira, Rusadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Bainus, Arry]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusumawardhana, Indra]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5004
<![CDATA[The vibrant bilateral relations between Indonesia-Vietnam has been tested by the Sink the Vessels policy, a robust measure executed by Indonesia to tackle rampant illegal fishing that encroach Indonesian waters. The policy has caused in the demolition of, among else, Vietnamese fishing vessels; and has also led to near-clash and incidents at sea. Despite these, both countries bilateral relations were far from hostile condition, and uphold their neighbourly relations to manage the illegal fishing problem. How Could Indonesia’s foreign policy action did not further exacerbate Indonesia-Vietnam relations post “Sink the Vessels†policy? To tackle our question, this article probes to describe the complex systems that interwoven Indonesia and Vietnam during the rising tension. We argue that the complex systems encapsulated Indonesia – Vietnam relations post “Sink the Vessels†policy consist of symbol system, interest system, and role system that maintain their friendly bilateral relations, even in the turbulence ocean. This article exposes that Indonesia-Vietnam responds to tackle the problem stems primarily from the linkage between the three systems to escape the security dilemma.]]>
<![CDATA[The (In)visibility of Taiwan – Indonesia Relations: Indonesian Students on the Sideline ]]>
<![CDATA[Elias, Rangga Aditya]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5354
<![CDATA[Indonesian students have been playing significant roles as the agent of change in the process of Indonesia’s nation building. In the era of Indonesia’s struggle for independent, students had become the backbone of many important movements. Students were also the driving force of Indonesia democratization movement in 1998. Thus, it can be inferred that students are the important agent in shaping the direction of Indonesia.On the other hand, discord between China and Taiwan regarding Taiwan status has been making Taiwan – Indonesia relations growth more significant in informal than formal channel. One of the efforts to increase the informal channel is undertaken by establishing academic exchanges, scholarships, and scholar exchanges. However this effort is seemingly still on creating cooperation with academic institution to increase the number of Indonesian students in Taiwan per se but it arguably could upgrade both entities relations only if the operationalization of academic policy is parallel with their  attempt to  increase  the relation.  Currently,  there are  approximately  3,052 Indonesian students enroll in many universities in Taiwan. Yet, there is no such effort applying by Taiwan government to take advantages from this situation in order to increase Indonesia-Taiwan further relations. This paper, therefore, is aimed to deliver two arguments. First, Taiwan academic relations with Indonesia are still focusing on the effort to increase the number of Indonesian students in Taiwan and neglect their potential as agent of cooperation. This condition has made the students as agent become invisible. Second, Taiwan’s policy in academic cooperation with Indonesia is not in line with Taiwan’s effort to upgrade  its relation  with  Indonesia. As  an  impact, Taiwan  –  Indonesia relation remains stagnant and invisible. In addition this paper will also deliver a clear description of the Indonesian students’ characteristic in Taiwan and the potential factors that  are  embedded on  them.  In order  to  get its  finding  and support  the secondary data, this paper also will conduct observations and interviews to the Indonesian students in Taiwan.]]>
<![CDATA[Night Market from H. Lefebvre’s Space as Practiced: The Case of Davao City, Philippines ]]>
<![CDATA[Pavo, Raymundo Restor]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.4946
<![CDATA[This paper explores the Roxas Night Market in Davao City as practiced space. Guided by Lefebvre’s (1991) notion of space, the night market is a result of actual and evolving activities of vendors as they subsist in the area for their livelihood, interpret and apply the rules set by the Local Government Unit (LGU) of Davao, and manage their spaces as response to emerging experiences such as the three-month rule of the LGU, and bomb blast in 2016. Given that vendors try to maximize their lot and capitalize on their experiences as survivors of bombing incident, they have demonstrated ways of extending their stay in the night market and invoked their new-found identity as symbols of resilience. Such actuations, in turn, reveal the vendors’ creativity and capacity to rise above the rules of the LGU, and the bombing incident. When gleaned from the perspective of Foucault’s power as discipline and transcendence (1977), the way vendors convert the night market into an arena of practice also underscores their agency to conversely discipline the LGU by demanding that the city administration should do its task in securing the area and provide alternative spaces for the increasing number of vendors in the City.]]>
<![CDATA[The Dynamics of Paradiplomacy Practices in the “Frontier†Areas in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono, Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5160
<![CDATA[In the last few decades, the practice of paradiplomacy in Indonesia has increased across the country. The paradiplomacy policy was commonly conducted by local governments in Indonesia since the collapse of the centralized-New Order regime followed by political reformation in various sectors. Decentralization is the main issue that demand local government to be more active and to manage the region properly. The opportunity to boost international partners is very open under the new norm that pave the way to the practice of paradiplomacy including in the frontier areas in Indonesia. This research focuses on the thwo important areas in the frontier Indonesia namely, Riau Island, West Kalimantan and Maluku. Nevertheless, in fact, the so-called “ceremonial†paradiplomacy blatantly practiced amid of the tighten and very bureaucratic barrier including obstacles on the budget implementation. This is qualitative research with discourse analysis which so important to understand paradiplomacy practices notably in the frontier areas in Indonesia that in some extent are vulnerable to the separatism issues in the central government in Jakarta.]]>
<![CDATA[Erratum to "The Mandala Culture of Anarchy: The Pre-Colonial Southeast Asian International Society" ]]>
<![CDATA[Journal of ASEAN Studies, Editorial]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 2, No 2 (2014): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v2i2.301
<![CDATA[Throughout the years, study on pre-colonial Southeast Asian international relations has not garnered major attention because it had long been seen as an integral part of the China-centred tribute system. There is a need to provide greater understanding of the uniqueness of the international system as different regions have different ontologies to comprehend its dynamics and structures. This paper contributes to the pre-colonial Southeast Asian literature by examining the interplay that had existed between pre-colonial Southeast Asian empires and the hierarchical East Asian international society, in particular during the 13th-16th Century. The paper argues that Southeast Asian international relations in pre-colonial time were characterized by complex political structures with the influence of Mandala values. In that structural context, the Majapahit Empire, one of the biggest empires at that time had its own constitutional structures of an international society, albeit still sought close relations with China.]]>
<![CDATA[Challenges against Xi Jinping: an ASEAN Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Dahana, Abdullah]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosalin, Kelly]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 2, No 1 (2014): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v2i1.82
<![CDATA[Since the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 and Deng Xiaoping in 1997, factionalism and power struggle as the characteristic of leadership change in China has ended. Although factionalism still exists, it has been converted to collaboration among all factions within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The election of Xi Jinping to the presidency of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and to the position as General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is therefore, as the result of cooperation among factions. This paper discusses various challenges, including nationalism as the most serious issue faced by Xi Jinping as a leader elected through compromise.]]>
<![CDATA[State and Industrial Policy: Comparative Political Economic Analysis of Automotive Industrial Policies in Malaysia and Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[Tai, Wan-Ping]]>;
<![CDATA[Ku, Samuel]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 1, No 1 (2013): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v1i1.61
<![CDATA[Numerous differences exist between the neoclassical and national development schools of economics on how an economy should develop. For example, should the state interfere in the market using state resources, and cultivate certain industries to achieve specific developmental goals? Although the automotive industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with considerable government involvement, they have evolved along very different lines. Can these differences be traced to different interactions between the state and industry in these two countries? This paper examines this issue and finds that although industries in developing countries need government assistance, the specific political and economic contexts of each country affect the policies adopted and their effectiveness. The choice between “autonomous development†(Malaysia) and “dependent development†(Thailand) is the first issue. The second issue is that politics in Malaysia has deterred the automotive industry from adopting a “market following†position. This paper finds that the choice of strategy and political interference are the two main reasons the automotive industry in Malaysia is less competitive than that in Thailand.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN Migrants: A Boon for Taiwan’s Aging Populace ]]>
<![CDATA[Huang, Hong-Ming]]>;
<![CDATA[Soong, Jenn-Jaw]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 1, No 2 (2013): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v1i2.68
<![CDATA[Taiwan is home to a rapidly growing aging population as life expectancy rates increase and birth rates go down in this island. The government of Taiwan opted to bring in migrant workers to care for the elderly following a shortage in adequate domestic manpower who were willing to take on the positions of caregivers for the elderly. In time, eldercare in Taiwan switched hands: from the actual families of the elderly to migrant workers coming in from across the Southeast Asian region. Questions have arisen in light of this development. Is the government policy that allows for Southeast Asian migrants to care for the elderly in Taiwan a good one, or a bad one? Who benefits most from this deal: the elderly, their families or the migrant care workers? Is providing care for the elderly in their own homes by just one caregiver the only option? And can such a policy help both ends: the elderly person who requires safer care, and the migrant care worker whose labor rights require full protection? This paper, drafted out following the review of relevant literature and the conducting of interviews by Hong-Ming Huang and Jenn-Jaw Soon, analyzes the political-economic aspects of this policy and offers certain recommendations and conclusions. One conclusion is the fact that Southeast Asian workers take better care of the elderly in Taiwan when eldercare is provided through institutions, rather than if the care was provided by just one foreign caregiver engaged directly by families of the elderly. The positive effects of ‘institution-style’ workers are reflected in the work performance, life quality and management as well as labor rights protection. ]]>
<![CDATA[Building Indonesia Through ASEAN Economic Community ]]>
<![CDATA[Permatasari, Yunita]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v8i1.6040
<![CDATA[As the interdependent global economy increased, ASEAN responded with the creation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The AEC is expected to become the ASEAN arena of learning regional economic integration before entering the global integration. Indonesia, as the largest country in the region, should be a natural leader. However, the level of investment in Indonesia was lost to Singapore and several other ASEAN countries, thus Indonesia should see the potential of the AEC and maximize it to benefit the strengthening of Indonesia's strength. This research aimed to explain the AEC background, the potentials and challenges of the AEC, the AEC 2015 and 2025 comparisons. Using qualitative methods with inductive logical thinking, and constructivism as the analysis framework, the result shows that AEC 2025 is believed to be the integration of the regional economy with a dynamic and sustainable process. Thus, Indonesia can strengthen its position in AEC 2025, using a constructivism approach to reform Indonesian identity into the structure.]]>
<![CDATA[Japan’s Renaissance and Its Effect to ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Hidayat, Syafril]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 2, No 1 (2014): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v2i1.83
<![CDATA[Japan has developed a new security policy against China in East China Sea, which has increased tension in that region. Japan’s new leadership under Shinzo Abe, who has conservative political view, has unbeatable policy against China’s hegemony. Abe revised Japan Self-Defence Forces role in the Japanese Constitution by making critical amendments on particular articles, which should be seen as Japan’s bargaining power against China. The two major powers in East China Sea can be seen as security dilemma of other states. Pursuit of power and hegemony will influence other major actors in the global world system and also small states. Japan’s new security policy is as a renaissance of Japan’s hegemony or pursuit of power in East China Sea. By using bargaining model of war, Japan’s security policy will determine overall situation in South China Sea or particularly in East China Sea: whether it will remain of high threat or balance of threat rather than balance of power, or it will face possible conflict in the future.]]>
