Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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<![CDATA[Rasionalitas Indonesia dalam Pengimplementasian “40+9 Rekomendasi†FATF ]]>
<![CDATA[Puspapertiwi, Sheiffi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0089.100-112
<![CDATA[Global anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) regime set up by G7 countries in 1989 had established a nontreaty yet significantly influencing standard setter body named Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Regime norms codified by FATF in “40+9 Recommendationsâ€, hand in hand with “Non-cooperative Countries and Territories (NCCTs)†list have become two most powerful instruments in enforcing international AML/CFT regime, not only for member but also non member countries, including Indonesia. This study is aimed to explore the reasons behind Indonesia’s decision to adopt and thus implement “40+9 Recommendationsâ€. Using power-based regime approach and the economic sanction theory, this research finds that the said decision is a result of rational calculation, considering both international and domestic dynamics. On international side, there are global financial hegemon countries as FATF members behind “40+9 Recommendations†who can act unilaterally to foster and enforce its global implementation. On the domestic side, its implementation can provide a basis for good financial governance, a much needed foundation to build anti-corruption and anti-terrorism national regime.]]>
<![CDATA[Pelembagaan Regional mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Madu, Ludiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0084.40-49
<![CDATA[Institutionalization of non-traditional issues has become new phenomenon for ASEAN, including those related to human rights in the form of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). While its instutionalization has been one of ASEAN’s achievements for its sensitive characters, the AICHR also revealed several complexities. The first problem is related to ASEAN’s further attempts for boosting regional cooperation on human rights among its member states. Diversified political system of ASEAN’s states is deemed as its obstacle. The second refers to regional architecture of ASEAN which is prone to be loosely structured and more focussed on economic development and regional political stability. This paper seeks to explain dynamics among ASEAN’s member states in institutionalizing human rights issues. AICHR has been one of the most successful ASEAN’s achievements in managing non-traditional issues and promoting participation of non-state actors in this region. In doing so, this paper also shows tug-of-war between regional and national interests in the process of formulating regional regime on human rights in ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Maritime Vision and the Prospect of Cooperation in the South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Ramadhani, Masyithoh Annisa]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0088.78-99
<![CDATA[The South China Sea has witnessed an array of global power projections given the huge amount of potential resources there. There are at least sixcountries who committed to be claimant states; China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Despite its role as the external actor, the United States claimed that their presence is needed in order to preserve stability in the region. This vexing situation has led to security dilemma which brings about power competition thereby maintaining peace and security would be critical. Therefore, Indonesia as one of region‘s rising powers who commits to be a non-claimant state, iterated the importance of establishing cooperation to preserve regional security under maritime vision albeit its national interests at stake there. This research examined the extent to which Indonesia maintains neutrality while pursuing national interests in the South China Sea under the maritime vision. Cooperation could therefore become the tools for (1) stabilising regional security given the increase of interdependence among states, (2) forging the immersion of regional unity, and (3) lessening the global power projections.]]>
<![CDATA[China‘s Climate Change Policy Strengthening Its Diplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Wulansari, Ica]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0080.1-9
<![CDATA[This research attempts to examine China‘s climate change diplomacy. This paper also observes how China strengthens its interest in line with the speed of climate change impact. China should consider climate change as the threat for its national interest since it impacted to its rapid economic growth. Currently, China’s use of fossil fuel has produced the significant amount of carbon dioxide emissions. In response to this, China considered to strengthen its energy policy as a way to reduce emission through The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) whose job is to confirm that mitigation and adoption of climate change are standardized. Furthermore, China has issued the principle of equity in 2009 by strengthening the responsibility for historical emissions of the developed countries and the future emissions rights of the developing countries. At the international level, China played a strategic and significant role in Conference of Parties in UNFCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change). In addition, deepening a climate change cooperation with the United States was also at China’s lists.]]>
<![CDATA[Konsep Bantuan Luar Negeri Cina ke Indonesia sebagai Kedok Investasi (Studi Kasus: Implikasi Pengiriman Tenaga Kerja Asing Cina) ]]>
<![CDATA[Siregar, Reva Rinanda]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0085.50-59
<![CDATA[The research about China’s foreign aid for Indonesia is deemed important as the economic growth of China has been skyrocketing for past decades. This growth crowned China as the world’s new economic power. While china keeps on strengthening its economy, several countries in different parts of the world are going through stagnant economic growth. This gives new hopes for many countries to cooperate with China, Indonesia is of no exception, since Indonesia is said to be a promising land of investation.This research utilizes the qualitative method by using case study. The results obtained are, first, for Indonesia, China is bringing positive influence because China is in dire need of raw materials from Indonesia for their industry, where Indonesia is thought as a receiving market of the abundant product from China. Secondly, China left bad influence on local labour competition which creates imbalance between local labour and Chinese labour. Thirdly, China’s foreign aid is not voluntary as these helps are aimed to conduct a one belt diplomacy of China to rule over strategic route of International trading in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Maritime Axis and the Security of Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) in the Indo-Pacific ]]>
<![CDATA[Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma]]>;
<![CDATA[Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0081.10-21
<![CDATA[This article tries to elaborate the strategic position of Indo-Pacific in the current international relations. This region has become a new crucial theatre for the global sea lanes of communication. As a littoral country in the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia relies heavily on the SLOCs in the Indo-Pacific. Indonesia, as a developing economy, requires a steady supply in oil and gas from the Gulf. A sudden disturbance in oil resources would have a catastrophic effect on energy security in Indonesia, which could lead to other security implications. Indonesia has mostly been active in safeguarding the Malacca Strait, one vital SLOC in the Indo-Pacific. This article also elaborates President Jokowi’s maritime axis as a guarantor of maritime security not only in Southeast Asia, but the entire Indo-Pacific.]]>
<![CDATA[European Union Financial Crisis: A Marxist Analysis ]]>
<![CDATA[Farneubun, Petrus K]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0086.60-66
<![CDATA[European financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the fundamental structure of the European Union, political and financial institutions, as well as the values that bind European together. Different factors have been suggested as the causes of the crisis notably the failure of national government and economic policies. Responding to the crisis, numerous attemps have been proposed to accelerate the recovery, but the crisis still hit Eurozone and brought serious consequences politically and economically. In one side, the crisis severely damages some EU member economy but on the other side, the crisis advantages the other members. Such an inequality not only leads to the crisis but also exacerbate the crisis. Having said that, this paper will demonstrate that marxian conceptual model of inequality or constructed economic imbalance provides a better explanation regarding the causes ofthe crisis. Using marxist theoretical framework, this article will further show that introduction of Euro, the accumulation of profit and capital as well as the current European financial system built upon the spirit of capitalism and neoliberalism as the key factors contributing to the crisis and creating inequality.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN Economic Community And Small-Medium Enterprises: An English School Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Robertua, Verdinand]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0082.22-29
<![CDATA[Accounting for 30-60% of GDP of ASEAN member states and the largest source of employment for all economic actors, small medium enterprises is a very important economic actor in Southeast Asia. The SME sector in ASEAN, however, is confronted with a wide-range of structural, financial and other challenges, among which are limited access to finance, technologies and markets. ASEAN has many important roles in developing SMEs. ASEAN institutions can guide, direct, and fund many development programmes related to SMEs. Moreover, AEC, a new set of regional liberalization package, will have important consequences to SMEs’ growth in the ASEAN member states. Therefore this paper will ask the impact of AEC to SMEs in ASEAN member states using English School Theory. It also asks the role of ASEAN in promoting SME development toward AEC. In this paper, interview and content analysis will do as the main data source. This paper concluded that ASEAN has developed a comprehensive empowerment plan through Strategic Action Plan for ASEAN SME Development but lack of coordination between ASEAN institutions has hindered the full implementation of the plan.]]>
<![CDATA[Memahami Problematik Kejahatan Transnasional: Perdagangan dan Penyelundupan Orang di Cina ]]>
<![CDATA[Nizmi, Yusnarida Eka]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0087.67-77
<![CDATA[This research describes about two kind of human crimes which are related each other trafficking and smuggling people in China. There are three main ideas that will be explored. First, this article analyses the causes and effects of trafficking and smuggling people that controlled by Snakeheads. Second, it focuses on the effects of trafficking in Fujian and Yunnan. Third, it explains the efforts that seriously done by China government in solving trafficking and smuggling people. It is important to examine this topic because trafficking involves horrible exploitations to women and children as the most vulnerable groups in China. Being modern society, trafficking rises as a new slavery in China.]]>
<![CDATA[Neoliberal Policy of Indonesia’s Agricultural Revitalization ]]>
<![CDATA[Winarno, Budi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016): April ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0083.30-39
<![CDATA[This paper discusses Indonesian food agricultural policy, particularly since the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) administration. Influenced by the powers of global political economy, Indonesia has been dictated to practice neoliberal policies, including those in agricultural sector. The government had launched a policy of agricultural revitalization to encourage agricultural productivity through a private involvement. This study concludes that the agricultural revitalization is just a short-term pragmatic policy and serves the neoliberal ideology. It is not solve the major problems of food security and of rural life. What has to be done by the government is a long-term attempt and planning to strengthen the productivity and production of food agriculture and to improve the life of poor peasants in rural areas—the majority of Indonesian population. Essentially, the attempt and planning has to be directed into two basic problems on food security in Indonesia, which are the problem of ‘food access’ and ‘peasant vulnerability’.]]>
