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All Journal Al-Ulum Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Tawarikh : Journal of Historical Studies Journal of Education Technology
Saefur Rochmat
The Department of History Education, the Faculty of Social Sciences, The State University of Yogyakarta
Religion Arts Humanities Computer Science & IT Economics, Econometrics & Finance Education Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Social Sciences

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THE INDONESIAN CLERICS COUNCIL (MUI) AND THE ISSUE OF THE FREEDOM OF RELIGION IN THE CASE OF AHMADIYAH Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Ulum Vol 14, No 2 (2014): December
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (367.403 KB)

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qur’an also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhr’s theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt.    ----------  Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusan  publik  dan urusan  privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisai keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsur  civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qur’an mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya.  MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karya  Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan.
THE INDONESIAN CLERICS COUNCIL (MUI) AND THE ISSUE OF THE FREEDOM OF RELIGION IN THE CASE OF AHMADIYAH Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Ulum Vol 14, No 2 (2014): Al-Ulum December
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (477.451 KB)

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qur’an also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhr’s theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt. -----Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusan  publik  dan urusan  privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisasi keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsur  civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qur’an mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya.  MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karya  Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan. 
The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]
The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]
Nahdlatul Ulama, the Fiqh Paradigm, and the Republic of Indonesia Rochmat, Saefur
TAWARIKH Vol 7, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : ASPENSI in Bandung, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (646.045 KB)

Abstract

ABSTRACT: The Republic of Indonesia was established based on a secular political system, but it did not follow the pure concept of the theory of secularisation. In the context of Indonesia nation-state, there were three competing major paradigms of the relationship between religion, especially Islam, and the state, that were: secular paradigm, Islamic ideological paradigm, and the “fiqh” (Islamic study of laws) paradigm. In historical process, it was a result of compromise amongst the followers of secular and Islamic aspirations. In this “Pancasila” (five basic principles of the Republic of Indonesia) state, Islam provides a moral basis for running the state. However, the proper role of religions should be negotiated amongst different political forces, such as was outlined in the seven words of the Jakarta Charter in 1945 and in the 1950s. In this regard, the traditionalist Muslims, especially the followers of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), adopting the “fiqh” paradigm, were able to develop a flexible standpoint in regard to the role of Islam in Indonesia compared to the modernist Muslims, who advocated an Islamic ideological paradigm. They (the traditionalist Muslims) were able to move from justifying the Republic of Indonesia to supporting an Islamic state and, then, again supporting the secular state. This was due to the “fiqh” paradigm recognising the existing political system, while trying to improve it at the same time.KEY WORDS: Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia nation-state, the traditionalist Muslims, secular, Islamic ideological and “fiqh” paradigms, and result of compromise.About the Author: Saefur Rochmat is a Lecturer at the Department of History Education, Faculty of Social Sciences UNY (State University of Yogyakarta), UNY Campus, Karangmalang, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. For acadeimic interests, the author is able to be contacted via e-mail at: rochmat@yahoo.comHow to cite this article? Rochmat, Saefur. (2015). “Nahdlatul Ulama, the Fiqh Paradigm, and the Republic of Indonesia” in TAWARIKH: International Journal for Historical Studies, Vol.7(1) October, pp.45-62. Bandung, Indonesia: Minda Masagi Press, ISSN 2085-0980.Chronicle of the article: Accepted (June 17, 2015); Revised (August 17, 2015); and Published (October 28, 2015).
Student Perception of Online Learning Media Platform During the Covid-19 Pandemic Fahruddin, Fahruddin; Jana, Padrul; Setiawan, Johan; Rochmat, Saefur; Aman, Aman; Yuliantri, Rhoma Dwi Aria
Journal of Education Technology Vol 6, No 1 (2022): February
Publisher : Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23887/jet.v6i1.42738

Abstract

Learning during the Covid-19 Pandemic requires lecturers to be able to adapt by using online learning platforms. As a result, there are different perceptions of students regarding the effectiveness of each of these platforms. The study aimed to analyze differences in students' perceptions about the effectiveness of using WhatsApp, Google Classroom, and Zoom platforms. This research method uses quantitative methods to measure the level of perception and is combined with qualitative methods to analyze student perception. The data collection method is done by distributing questionnaires through Google forms to students. The analysis used is a quantitative analysis using statistical calculation and qualitative analysis to analyze student perception. The results showed that the difference in perception in WhatsApp and Google Classroom usage was significant with an average difference of 16.933 which means WhatsApp’s perception levels are higher than Google Classroom. The difference in perception in WhatsApp and Zoom usage is significant with an average difference of 15.2 which means WhatsApp's perception level is higher than zoom. The difference in perception in Zoom and Google Classroom usage is insignificant with an average difference of 1.733 which means Zoom’s perception rate is slightly higher than Google Classroom. The study concluded that student perceptions were higher on the WhatsApp Group platform, then zoom, and finally Google Classroom. Online learning should first use the WhatsApp platform, then zoom, and finally Google Classroom.
Co-Authors Aman Aman Fahruddin Fahruddin Jana, Padrul Setiawan, Johan Yuliantri, Rhoma Dwi Aria