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INDONESIA
PCD Journal
Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada
ISSN : 20850433     EISSN : 20850441     DOI : 10.22146/pcd
Core Subject : Education,
Education
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 67 Documents
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Public Opinion on Peace as a Reflection of Social Differentiation and Politicisation of Identity in Sri Lanka Stokke, Kristian; Peiris, Pradeep
PCD Journal Vol 2, No 1 (2010): Democracy in Practice: Representation and Grassroots Politics
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (867.004 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.25719

Abstract

This article provides a critical analysis of the public opinion on peace in Sri Lanka, with consideration to two determinants: social differentiation and politicisation of identities. Specifically, it aims at developing arguments about the correlations between public opinion, social position, and political mobilisation. Inspired by Bourdieu's concepts of habitus, social space, and political field, this article develops an empirical analysis of the links between ethnic identity and public opinion on peace, and between social differentiation and opinions within the Sinhalese majority community in Sri Lanka. This article argues that ethnic polarisation and politicisation were the foremost determinants of public opinion during the peace process in 2002-2009.
Disengaged Citizens: Involuntarily Returned and Relocated Transmigrants in Southern Kebumen Alfirdaus, Laila Kholid
PCD Journal Vol 5, No 1 (2017): The Primacy of Civil Society
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1153.002 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.26314

Abstract

The government’s policy to return transmigration program participants, due to the explosion of conflicts in transmigration areas outside Java in the early 2000s to the district where these people originated has raised many questions of citizen engagement. This study aims to identify the impacts of the policy on the returned transmigrants using the idea of citizenship as a framework of analysis. The field research was conducted from December 2012 to February 2013 in Southern Kebumen using in-depth interviews with about 20 informants and direct observations. From the fieldwork, it is found that instead of resolving the problem by returning thousands of transmigration participants, which then was followed with collective relocation, has made the issue more complex. This later aspect caused multiple exclusions to the returned transmigrants socially and politically. The case highlights the government’s ignorance of the aspects of geography, ethnicity, cultures, religions, languages, and gender that define citizenship in the Indonesian context, and are impacted by the transmigration policy. Such ignorance has led to the acute political disengagement. Weak inclusion and over-simplification in the handling of the transmigration program (sending, returning, and relocating people from one place to another), due to the single definition of citizen and citizenship, which the government uses in treating people merely as ‘materials’ for boosting economic growth, instead of as citizens that have rights for recognition, seems to be the core explanation of this case. By elaborating this issue, this paper is expected to enrich the existing study on citizenship, especially the core problems that relate to (forced) transmigration policy, which is rarely discussed among scholars.
Reorienting the Study of Citizenship in Sri Lanka Wickramasinghe, Nira
PCD Journal Vol 1, No 1-2 (2009): Approaching Conflict and Democracy in South and Southeast Asia
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (173.881 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.25686

Abstract

In Sri Lankan scholarship the second component, namely 'citizenship' is virtually absent from the public discourse. The obvious reason for the elusive presence of citizenship is, as previously mentioned, the inevitable invasion in every sphere of peoples lives of issues of nationalism, subnationalism and conflict in the past thirty years owing to the Tamil insurrection in the North and East of the island. In the 1980s and 1990s while the world was embroiled in debates over cosmopolitan and multicultural citizenship Sri Lankan studies were concerned with issues of power and democracy and remained locked in outdated analytical frameworks of nation, ethnicity, and community. For historical reasons citizenship has not had in the Sri Lankan scholarly field the seminal and near obsessive presence that nation and state have occupied. Another reason may be that liberal and radical scholars - defenders of minority rights - have been suspicious of majoritarian appeals to some ideal of 'good citizenship' where minorities will eventually be expected to play by majority rules. Although by the 1990s the terms had become a buzzword amongst thinkers in the North, citizenship remained in fact one of the least theorized notions in Sri Lankan studies where a generally instrumental understanding of the term that includes common defense of personal freedom, establishment of basic conditions of social justice and maintenance of civil peace prevails. In Sri Lanka, the tie between citizenship and nationhood, however, can never be wholly deconstructed or ignored. In this light, this paper will proposes future possible areas of study.
Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State Husain, Ejaz
PCD Journal Vol 4, No 1-2 (2012): Democratisation: Power and Conflict Relations
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (252.594 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.25771

Abstract

This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.
“Extractive Industry, Policy Innovations, and Civil Society Movement in Southeast Asia: An Introduction” Surya Wardhani, Indah
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (97.336 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.33909

Abstract

Said innovative policy and influencing movements, the circumstance of governing natural resources has been changing in the last decade. Along with the wave of democratization in the late 1990s, the global norms of transparency and accountability reach new leverage today, including in Southeast Asia. The norms ignite the active participation of civil societies in controlling extractive governance – a praxis that never been occurred in two or three decades ago. Meanwhile, the governments require people active participation to advance people trust and political legitimation.Innovative policy and influencing movements stand at the central argumentations of this book. Perceive as an introduction, this book denotes contributions on the extractive industry governance by using the lenses of civil society movements to acquaint intricacy of the sectors. There is a “resource curse” or paradox of plenty refers to the paradox that countries with an abundance of natural resources tend to have less economic growth and worse development outcomes. Therefore, the civil engagement has been perceived as a tool to ensure the benefit of extractive industries run for the greatest benefit of the people, as well as mitigates the risk and undesirable impacts of the extractive operations.Throughout the selected articles, the book addresses on how civil societies engage in the extractive industries governance and through what mechanisms. Instead of outlining resource revenues management as the crucial aspects to be monitored by the citizens, this book rather highlights political perspective to challenge conventional understanding that extractive industries are pure – exclusively – economic affairs. The analysis convinces that extractive industry is highly political since they draw elites into the core decision-making. The high intensity of money and high technology within sectors subsequently renders those activities beyond the reach of the public. Thus, strong civil societies with the active participation are required to undermine oligarch notions and miss use power of the extractive sectors.The discussion of civil society engagements in this book is divided into process and results. The selected cases depict experiences from the local, national, and transnational contexts enrich the discussion and provide civil society movements in a broader sense. The multi-governance perspectives are used to picture the multiple factors enabling the movements, including various challenges and opportunities for the engagements. The elaboration on the book’s content will become the entry point to the more critical discussion in the subsequent of this review.
The Intricacy of Policy Analysis: A Book Review Djindan, Muhammad
PCD Journal Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Challenges to Democracy at the Local
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (87.934 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.31266

Abstract

Much has been written about mining projects and the contestation of these project development in the literature. The different perspectives that are employed to analyze this issue to some extent are enriching the academic debates but at the same time also increases the difficulty of understanding the problem. As a result, navigating the overall academic discussion in the subject matter is not an easy task. Instead of outlining the overall landscape of mining contestation in the literature, choosing a particular approach and being consistent with this choice is a strategic decision that may result in a high-quality academic work. Following this recipe, Ardianto chose the constructivist approach by employing Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis to understand the mining project contestation in Rembang, Central Java, Indonesia. This paper aims to review a book by Ardianto, entitled "Mitos Tambang untuk Kesejahteraan: Pertarungan Wacana Kesejahteraan dalam Kebijakan Pertambangan" (The Myth of Mining for Welfare: The Welfare Discourses Struggle in Mining Policy).
State and Civil Society Relationships in Indonesia: A society-oriented Reading in Search for Democratic Space Mundayat, Aris Arif; Narendra, Pitra; Irawanto, Budi
PCD Journal Vol 1, No 1-2 (2009): Approaching Conflict and Democracy in South and Southeast Asia
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (276.667 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.25678

Abstract

This paper has shown how the relationship between state and civil society in Indonesia is part of the problem of building democratic government. The problems in Indonesian society is the polycentric nature, by which civil society organisations or popular organisations are being fragmanted and often unorganised. This has made it increasingly difficult to transform various conflicts into more political through democratic institution. At least there are four major problems:The first problem is when a strong civil society faces an ineffective state tactic of governmentality. This tends to stimulate civil society resistance and conflict; or it fosters coexistence through alternative governmentality techniques where the relationship between the state and society is in conflict. The second problem is when a weak civil society faces and effective state. This tends to trigger practices of money politics which are embedded in patronage and clientelism. The third problem can be found in the situation where weak civil society faces an ineffective state which tends to stimulate the emergence of extralegal governmentality practiced by thugs, militia, vigilantes, and paramilitaries. The fourth problem is reflected in the situation where a strong civil society faces an effective state.
The Islamic Fundamentalist's Politics of Dissents and the Emergence of Urban Citizenship in Yogyakarta Hasibuan, Dana; Alvian, Rizky Alif
PCD Journal Vol 5, No 1 (2017): The Primacy of Civil Society
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1152.788 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.26289

Abstract

This study seeks to add to the ongoing debate regarding the state of multiculturalism within Indonesia political landscape. Using Yogyakarta as an exemplary case, this study suggests that the so called radical groups’ political practices should be situated within the spatial formation of urban politics. This will shed new horizon on the political myth which has been redressing violence as values or belief-driven reproduced by certain groups and gradually expanding it as mode of political engagement. Representing space as a political register which is discursively constituted by three dominant discourses; local identities, multiculturalism, and lastly global terrorism. This study argues that Yogyakarta citizens are subjected to the interplay between these three forces which composed the urban space of Yogyakarta as a local, national and global entity. Within this context, the expression of radical groups should be viewed as politics of dissent which target to alter and appropriate the three spatial conjunctures which characterized Yogyakarta. This shows that the articulation of dissent and discontent are effective political forms to engage with the notion of urban citizenship.
Rethinking Popular Representation: Charting New Territory (A Book Review) Ambardi, Kuskridho
PCD Journal Vol 3, No 1-2 (2011): Decentering Democracy
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (107.053 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.25753

Abstract

This article is a book review of Rethinking Popular Representation (2009). The book has a concern in the quality of democratic practices in the world of democracies, in particular democracies of the 'Global South'. It focuses on the concept of representation. It also surveys many cases which promise detailed accounts of each case. Despite its achievements, this review also shows that the book has some pitfalls.
The Indonesian Family Welfare Guidance Programme (PKK) and the Revitalisation of Corporatist state organisations: A Case Study of the Mobilisation of Support for Dewanti Rumpoko in the 2017 Batu Municipal Election Fadzryl Adzmy, Muhammad; Disyacitta, Fikri
PCD Journal Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Post-Clientelistics Elections
Publisher : Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1814.2 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/pcd.31291

Abstract

This article is intended to explore the use of the Family Welfare Guidance Programme (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga, PKK) in the Municipality of Batu by one candidate as a means of mobilising political support during the 2017 municipal election. Within the current democratic climate, it is interesting to examine how the PKK, as a state corporate organisation that should ideally remain politically neutral, can be exploited to mobilise political support. The main argument of this article is that several factors, including deep-rooted hierarchies, top-down instruction, and clientelism enabled the PKK to be exploited by the incumbent in her mobilisation of political support. To sidestep the principle of neutrality and support the incumbent, PKK cadres used various means during the municipal election. The data for this article was collected using the qualitative approach, with in-depth interviews and participatory observation over the course of the Batu municipal election (January–February 2017).

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