Journal of Asian Social Sciences Research
Journal of Asian Social Science Research is a peer-reviewed and open access publication since 2019. It aims to contribute to the development of Asian social science by providing a forum for researchers, academics and policy-makers to publish their research on the broad problems on Asian social science. The Journal seeks to publish original research articles and review papers that deal with issues in Asian social science including sociology, anthropology, political science, public administration, education, communication studies, media studies, religious studies, history, and cultural studies. The journal also has strong interest in interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary studies on social science in Asia and related to Asia. The Journal is published twice a year by the Centre for Asian Social Science Research, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung, Indonesia. The Journal only publishes manuscripts in English.
Articles
41 Documents
<![CDATA[The Politics of Civilizing the Colony: Haji Hasan Mustapa’s Malay Guidebook on the Etiquette for Acehnese People towards the Dutch in the Netherland East Indies ]]>
<![CDATA[Jajang A. Rohmana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i2.21
<![CDATA[This article examines how the Dutch colonial government in the Netherland East Indies attempted to civilize its colony through the work on etiquette. It focuses its analysis on the Malay manuscript of Haji Hasan Mustapa on the code of polite behavior for Acehnese in dealing with the Dutch people, Kehormatan kepada Orang Belanda (Cod. Or. 18.097 S9). Hasan Mustapa wrote his work when he served as Chief-Penghulu of Kutaraja, Aceh (1893-1895) and sent it to C. Snouck Hurgronje in Batavia. He wrote the book at the request of Teuku Umar, an Acehnese patriot who used to collaborate with the Dutch authorities. Using a philological analysis, this study suggests that the Dutch authority utilized the native officials to write the etiquette guidebook on speaking and behavior to civilize Acehnese people. Hasan Mustapa’s work on etiquette shows that he played an important role in maintaining the Dutch honor and bridging the interests of the Dutch colonial government in its colony, the Netherland East Indies.]]>
<![CDATA[Local Elections and Local Politics in Indonesia: Emerging Trends ]]>
<![CDATA[Priyambudi Sulistiyanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i2.23
<![CDATA[This article analyses local elections held in the post-Suharto era in Indonesia with a special reference to pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah langsung [direct elections of local leaders]) between 2005 and 2008. Using the state-society perspective, it argues that local elections have seen the rise of new political dynamics and rapid growth of electoral activity in regions. Pilkada has brought about the emergence of coalitional politics, political ideologies or streams (aliran), the rise of ‘little kings’ (raja kecil), an increasing number of businesspeople entering local politics, the use of gangsters/goons (preman) in local elections, a boom in political consultancy, and the increase of the novote camp. There are grounds for optimism regxarding the intensity of the interaction between the local state and society in the regions. The people in the regions have now had the opportunities to vote for their leaders directly, something which was impossible in the past. There is no doubt that the electoral competition for candidates is going to be very important because the availability of good potential local leaders varies between the regions. Political parties themselves have to improve their performance and build a proper recruitment process so that they can find good candidates who can attract voters.]]>
<![CDATA[Restorying the Experiences of Muslim Women Academics in Indonesian State Islamic Higher Education: A Narrative Inquiry ]]>
<![CDATA[Siti Muflichah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i2.24
<![CDATA[In the last three decades, women have been the majority of undergraduate students in Indonesian higher education. However, the story is different when it comes to women as academics in Islamic higher education institutions. Compared to their male colleagues, female academics have unequal academic and lower leadership positions. There is a low percentage of female academics who have achieved the academic positions of associate professors or professors. They also have low productivity in research and publications. This article deals with the inequality facing Muslim women academics in Indonesian state Islamic higher education (Perguruan Tinggi Keagamaan Islam Negeri [PTKIN]). It asks the question: Do these problems happen due to no opportunities given to Muslim women academics to develop their academic career? In doing so, this article uses narrative inquiry as an approach to revealing the story of Indonesian Muslim academics and the voice of Muslim feminists, which is not internationally acknowledged and recognized. It focuses its analysis on the voice and career experiences of a Muslim woman (Muslimah) academic in an Indonesian state Islamic university using the feminist methodology. It aims to portray how and why female academics face unequal academic achievement. Understanding their voice of higher academic promotion is important to solve the problem of the ‘leaking pipeline’ about genderbased representation in university. The article argues that Indonesian Muslimah academics had low representation at academic advancement as they experienced more barriers than their male colleagues.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Women in Islamic Propagation: A Case Study of Tablighi Jamaat’s Nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah, East Java, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Yon Machmudi]]>;
<![CDATA[Putih Kusumah Ardhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i2.27
<![CDATA[This article studies the role of women of the Tablighi Jamaat, a transnational Islamic propagation movement, in the process of Islamic propagation (da’wah) in Indonesia. It aims to analyze the role played by female followers of Tablighi Jamaat in developing da’wah by focusing on the role of nyai (female family members of a religious leader of traditional Islamic learning institution [pesantren]) in developing masturah da’wah in Pesantren Al-Fatah and Temboro Village. This study uses a qualitative approach to understand how nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah were involved in da’wah activities in Temboro. The required data were collected through observation and interviews. The findings show that like their spouses who were obliged to go for da’wah in the form of khuruj, female followers of Tablighi Jamaat of Pesantren Temboro were assigned to conduct da’wah through masturah, a form of Islamic propagation which was only targeted on, organized and attended by the women of Tablighi Jamaah in Temboro with strict rules such the obligation of wearing face veils for all participants. Nyai of Pesantren Al-Fatah initiated, led, and developed masturah so that Tablighi Jamaat has attracted more followers and religious students and Temboro has experienced significant changes in social, religious, and economic aspects.]]>
<![CDATA[In Search of the Imagined Ummah: Explaining the Political Crossover of Islamic Conservatism in Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Andar Nubowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i2.28
<![CDATA[It has been admitted that the 212 movements constituted not only a socio-religious driving force but also a political one in contemporary Indonesia. In the 2019 presidential election, conservative Islamic camps that had anger and resentments toward President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) as he was regarded incapable of solving crises and keen on discriminating against Islam and ulama came up together to win Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno. Based on qualitative field research in some areas of Indonesia, this article analyses the diffusion of some Islamic groups with their grand narratives and discourses, and their involvement in Prabowo-Sandiaga’s campaign, considered as a fast track of establishing a utopia of the imagined ummah (united Muslim community). In the light of an Islamic activism and social movement theory, it concludes that such a political crossover is a kind of new Islamic activism and social movement. It has not been merely rooted in a conservative outlook of Islam, but also in their dissatisfaction and contention over Jokowi’s social and economic policies. This kind of new Islamic social movement would affect contemporary Indonesian religious and political realms.]]>
<![CDATA[Environmental Challenges in Indonesia: An Emerging Issue in the Social Study of Religion ]]>
<![CDATA[Frans Wijsen]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v3i1.30
<![CDATA[One of the emerging issues in religious studies is the relationship between religion and the environment. This issue has conceptual, empirical, and practical dimensions. This article explores some of the completed and ongoing empirical research projects and asks what a social study of religion can contribute to the theory and practice of environmentalism in Indonesia, and what this signifies for future research in this field. It argues that the social study of religion can help to conceptualize religion as a social construct and move beyond reified understandings of religion. Scholars of religion can make them aware of the fact that on the one hand religion has an added value and makes a difference, and that on the other hand religion is complex, diverse, and ambiguous. For future research in this field, the article proposes to elaborate more on the ambivalence of religion and to use the dialogical self-theory to deal with the dilemma between norms and practices, the tension between theological and technological voices, the faith-based underpinnings of ‘small’ (‘back to nature’) and ‘smart’ (circular economy, green technology) solutions for ecological challenges, and the gap between the religion that is lived in every-day lives and the religion that is learned in schools and mosques, drawing on classical sources.]]>
<![CDATA[Against the Tarbiyah’s Symbolism of Hijab: Feminism, Islamic Conservatism and Reconstruction of Hijab Symbolism in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ayu Regina Yolandasari]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v3i1.31
<![CDATA[Although Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world, the way of how Muslims dress had never been a major focus of Islamic practice until the 1980s. The promotion of a particular Islamic dress code, especially hijab (veil), started in the early 1980s on Indonesian campuses. Since the Reformasi in 1998, the wearing of hijab has grown significantly along with the spread of the Tarbiyah movement, a transnational Islamist movement affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood from Egypt. The rise of Islamic conservatism has targeted women to be controlled through their dress and caused Indonesian women to lose their freedom to decide whether they want to wear hijab or not. To fully understand this controlling mechanism, this article explores how the Tarbiyah movement has constructed and utilized the symbolization of hijab, and the weakness of the movement in enforcing its conservative values to its Muslim women members. Such exploration may direct us to a counter-strategy against the values. Based on in-depth interviews with four former Tarbiyah activists who have been active in feminism, this article examines the way the Tarbiyah controls its female activists through the hijab symbolization and how feminism has helped these activists to detach themselves from the movement. Thus, this article will make an important point on how feminism contributes to the battle against Islamic conservatism in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Social Dimensions of Education in the Era of the Internet of Things (IoT) and COVID-19 Pandemic ]]>
<![CDATA[Sabam Parjuangan]]>;
<![CDATA[Meliyanti Meliyanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v3i1.33
<![CDATA[Internet of things (IoT) brings disruption to services in society including education. New platforms in educational services made possible by the internet of things have changed the way of teaching and learning activities. The question was how schools provide services to their stakeholders. This disruption was accelerated with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article aims to identify the social dimensions of education and their characteristics caused by the disruption of IoT technology and COVID-19. It examines social dimensions from the point of view of social intelligence, which comprises of three dimensions, namely social sensitivity, social insight, and social communication. In doing so, this study used a qualitative method based on a survey that involved respondents and their experience of learning through the IoT platforms. The results of this study indicate that social sensitivity and social communication were the most problematic social dimensions in learning and teaching activities through the IoT platforms. On the other hand, social insight was a very good dimension experienced by students in learning and teaching activities through IoT and during the COVID-19 pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Higher Education, Nation Character, and Religious Moderation Program: A Public Policy Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Tatang Sudrajat]]>;
<![CDATA[Supiana Supiana]]>;
<![CDATA[Qiqi Yuliati Zakiah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 3 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v3i1.35
<![CDATA[The diversity of the Indonesian nation in terms of religion, ethnicity, race, local culture, and others is an inevitable reality. It constitutes the nation’s socio-cultural capital, wealth, and potential to advance in which Indonesia can be proud of. But, it can also lead to attitudes and behaviour that damage national integration. Attitudes and behaviour that are tolerant of differences, inclusive, and moderate, especially in religious life, are the main pillars of a strong nation. Currently, the attitudes and behaviour of certain groups of citizens and individuals show the opposite and these dominate the Indonesian public sphere. Using normative juridical methods and literature, this article examines the religious moderation program launched by the Indonesian government under the coordination of the Ministry of Religious Affairs as an effort to deal with the rising religious intolerance and violence in Indonesia. From a public policy perspective, this article aims to analyse actors that are involved in the religious moderation program initiated by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Higher education institutions with their resources have the opportunity to support this program. The religious moderation program is an implication of the policy environment that is currently embedded in people's daily lives.]]>
<![CDATA[The Impact of Overseas Training on the Performance of Bangladesh Civil Service: The Case of AIT Extension Training, Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohammad Ali Haider]]>;
<![CDATA[Shamim Noor]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 3 No. 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v3i2.39
<![CDATA[Public administration has to compete with private sectors in terms of quality service delivery to citizens. In this context, civil service training, especially overseas training, has been considered the most significant requirement to increase the performance of the Bangladesh Civil Service. This article tries to explore the impact of overseas training on the performance of the Bangladesh Civil Service. To achieve this objective, this study interviewed Bangladesh Civil Servants who participated Asian Institute Training (AIT) Extension training programme from 2016 to 2018. A mixed-method was applied to analyse the collected data. It found that Bangladesh Civil Servants, who have received AIT Extension training, were satisfied with the training management of AIT. Participants believed that such overseas training positively contributes to enhancing the performance of the Bangladesh Civil Service. However, this study also disclosed that fewer overseas training opportunities for young civil servants, lack of need-based training, and poor management of overseas training policy are the main obstacles in Bangladesh Civil service management. This article strongly recommends that there must be a detailed overseas training policy management and more collaboration with international training institutes to get better performance from the government officers in Bangladesh.]]>
