Indonesian Perspective
IP (Indonesian Perspective) is a scholarly journal published by the Department of International Relations, Diponegoro University. Appears two volumes a year, the journal covers broad subject areas ranging from international politics, global security, global political economy, diplomacy and foreign policy, transnational relations, to theoretical debates concerning contemporary global challenges. The name ‘Indonesian Perspective’ implies that all article submissions must meet requirement to connect their analysis to Indonesia foreign relations, either how Indonesia perceives global politics or how global politics affects Indonesia. It is important as part of a systematic effort to develop Indonesian school of IR in the long run. The Editor welcomes manuscript submission from academics, researchers, as well as practitioners around the globe to enhance our understanding regarding how global politics matters for Indonesia and vice versa.
Articles
100 Documents
<![CDATA[Perspektif Baru Politik Luar Negeri China dalam Konstelasi Politik Global: Resensi Buku ]]>
<![CDATA[Hardi Alunaza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2021), hlm. 1-122 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i1.37516
<![CDATA[Seiring peran dan pengaruh China terhadap banyak negara di dunia semakin berkembang, dipandang perlu untuk memahami bagaimana perspektif China terhadap hubungan luar negerinya dengan negara lain dalam konstelasi politik global. Hasil tinjauan buku ini diharapkan dapat bermanfaat untuk mengeksplorasi tren dan tema baru dalam kebijakan luar negeri China. Selain membuka peluang baru untuk penelitian, buku ini diharapkan dapat menambah wawasan bagi para stakehorlder yang memiliki peran strategis dalam proses formulasi dan kebijakan luar negeri di Indonesia. Buku ini secara spesifik di bagi menjadi tiga bagian. Pertama, penyunting dalam buku ini menjelaskan mengenai isu nasional dalam politik domestik China. Bagian kedua, melihat bagaimana konsep dan kekuatan individu dapat mempengaruhi kekuasaan. Serta, melihat bagaimana interaksi China dengan negara lain baik di kawasan maupun di panggung dunia internasional. Ketiga komponen dalam penjelasan buku ini memberikan gambaran umum mengenai banyaknya perspektif baru tentang interaksi dan aktivitas China dalam formulasi politik luar negerinya dengan negara-negara di dunia. ]]>
<![CDATA[Religions in Times of Peace: Conceptualizing the Practice of Interreligious Dialogue in the Post‐ Conflict Environment ]]>
<![CDATA[Lailatul Fitriyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 1, No. 1 ( Januari-Juni 2016), hlm. 1-90 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v1i1.10429
<![CDATA[The article makes the case of collaborating the notion of interreligious dialogueand the concept of the zone of peace in an attempt to provide a more practical yeteffective channel of reconciliation in the context of post‐interreligious violence. There arethree critics implied throughout the article. First, that the current state of most ofinterreligious dialogue in post‐conflict settings is lack of two things, namely, the inclusivestructure that would allow non‐scholars and non‐clergies to engage in the theologicaldialogue, and a coherent structure for the currently diasporic efforts in interreligiousdialogue. Second, that the concept of zone of peace is severely limited, particularly due toits dependence on material modalities in forging the path of reconciliation toward peace.And third, that the elusive and elitist nature of interreligious dialogue in post‐conflictsettings, and the limited material modalities of the zone of peace can be expanded bycollaborating the two notions into an applicable zone of interreligious peace. Lastly, thepaper will take the case of the village of Latta in Maluku to present a practical context forthe zone of interreligious peace.Keywords: interreligious dialogue, zone of peace, post-interreligious violence]]>
<![CDATA[Kepentingan Nasional Indonesia dalam Inisiasi ASEAN Maritime Forum (AMF) ]]>
<![CDATA[Najamuddin Khairur Rijal]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 3, No. 2 (Juli-Desember 2018), hlm. 87-186 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v3i2.22350
<![CDATA[The complexity of maritime security issues and problems in Southeast Asia became attention of ASEAN states which further encouraged the formation of the ASEAN Maritime Forum (AMF). AMF is a concept and proposal submitted by Indonesia and became one of the ASEAN Political-Security Community points. This research examines Indonesia’s national interest in establishment of AMF. Based on national interest concept, there are three Indonesia’s interest as focus of this study. First, Indonesia’s interest as an Archipelago States and has a history of maritime glories. Second, maritime as sovereignty and the AMF existence as Indonesia efforts to maintaining maritime territorial integrity. Third, maritime economic as the third Indonesia’s interests in propose of AMF establishment. In addition, this study also examine how the achievement of the Indonesia’s national interests in AMF.Keywords: AMF, archipelago states, Indonesia, national interest]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN di Tengah Rivalitas AS dan Cina: Kerja sama ASEAN dengan RCEP dalam Mengurangi Dampak Perang Dagang ]]>
<![CDATA[Febrina Damayanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Noviar Indira Mikayla Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Retno Sri Wahyuni]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Rahadian Prayoga]]>;
<![CDATA[Giovani Kevin N.W.]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 3, No. 2 (Juli-Desember 2018), hlm. 87-186 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v3i2.22349
<![CDATA[Rivalry among the US and Cina about trade war gives enormous effects towards many states around the world, including ASEAN. ASEAN region is the central market on Pacific. Because of this rivalry, every Cina’s export to US will decrease about 10%, and also reduce 1.1% economy growth in ASEAN. This phenomenon emerges the big question concerning the role of ASEAN. This research paper will answer the role of ASEAN as the multilateral organization on balancing their interests in the middle of trade war. Afterwards, this paper focuses on the topics of rivalry between US and Cina related to economics. The discussion is divided into two main points, first is about the trade war, and second is the role of RCEP to establish the balance of ASEAN’s economy. International cooperation on liberal perspective is used to analyze these case problems. This paper argues that ASEAN is trying to impetus cooperation between its member for facing the challenge of the US and Cina’s trade war. Cooperation is the best way for ASEAN seeing this phenomenon.Keywords: US, Cina, trade war, economy, liberalism]]>
<![CDATA[Pembentukan Opini Publik oleh Media: Cable News Network (CNN) Indonesia dalam 2018 North Korea–United States Singapore Summit ]]>
<![CDATA[Alya Dalila]]>;
<![CDATA[Chandra Purnama]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 5, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2020), hlm. 1-117 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v5i1.30194
<![CDATA[It is undeniable that media is mostly used as a propaganda tool of the political elite to achieve the national interest of its country. This research identifies and explains the establishment of CNN Indonesia in making public opinion as one of the extensions on CNN International regarding the Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump Summit in Singapore in 2018. This research utilized: agenda-setting, priming and framing theory to find out the detail process of forming public opinion by CNN Indonesia. This research also utilizes qualitative research methods based on Robert E. Stake’s explanation. The finding suggests that CNN Indonesia, through its agenda-setting, was able to make the summit has an urgency to be discussed in public. Its priming is able to increasing awareness of the importance of denuclearization and world peace which has been Indonesa’s foreign policy agenda. Through its framing, CNN Indonesia attempted to construct public opinion that the United States able to utilize its super power label in order to perquisite many parties, namely creating the world peace.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi Norma Internasional mengenai Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Iqbal Yunazwardi]]>;
<![CDATA[Aulia Nabila]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2021), hlm. 1-122 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i1.37510
<![CDATA[Indonesia has ratified the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and guarantees freedom of religion or belief (FoR). However, violations of FoR in Indonesia remains occur after 2015. This paper analyses this issue using the concept of norms localization which assumes that the implementation of international norms is the main factor that affects Indonesia’s effort to implement the FoR. There is a gap between international norms, that is Article 18 of the ICCPR and the Indonesia’s positive law regulating FoR. In addition, the characteristics of religious demography and religious behaviour of Indonesian people affect the implementation of FoR. As a result, the implementation of the norms by local actors such as the National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) is diminished. This paper concludes that in implementing the norms the government interprets the social and political context at societal level. The government is oftently forced by certain groups so it could be the potential violator of the FoR regulations that has been agreed upon.]]>
<![CDATA[Aplikasi Model Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia terhadap Brasil dalam Meningkatkan Ekspor Minyak Nabati Periode 2017-2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Al Bahits Annef]]>;
<![CDATA[Shanti Darmastuti]]>;
<![CDATA[Andi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 7, No 1: (Januari-Juni 2022), hlm. 1-137 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v7i1.48594
<![CDATA[This paper mainly tries to explore the new Model of Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Non-Traditional Market by Setiawan & Sulastri (2020) with a study case of increasing vegetable oil export to Brazil. Brazil is one of the main targets of Indonesia’s export-development policy to non-traditional markets. The main concern of this paper is how economic diplomacy plays a role in reacting to the declining trend of vegetable oil exports as Indonesia’s leading export product to Brazil during 2016-2020. This paper is a descriptive qualitative research using simple trade calculations to justify Indonesian exports orientation. This paper found there are at least 6 driving factors for the implementation of economic diplomacy, 3 prominent actors for conducting economic diplomacy and 8 processes of economic diplomacy. Indonesia has successfully increased the export trend of vegetable oil to Brazil in the period of 2017-2021, however specific economic diplomacy efforts to encourage vegetable oil exports were identified as minimum.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Indonesia Meningkatkan Pariwisata Maritim melalui Diplomasi Kebudayaan di Asia Tenggara ]]>
<![CDATA[Harits Dwi W.]]>;
<![CDATA[Bagus Subekti N.]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 2, No. 1 (Januari-Juni 2017), hlm. 1-84 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v2i1.15554
<![CDATA[Indonesia is one of the largest archipelagic countries in the world, having more than 17,000 islands. It becomes one priority to the state building, more importantly in the national economy. State economic development can be driven by maximizing the potential of seawater through the tourism industry, especially in maritime tourism which is one part of the third pillars of the maritime axis. Maritime tourism may serve as an instrument of Indonesian diplomacy to compete in Southeast Asia’s tourism race. It could be very significant when the government is able to manage the potential resources. This paper argues that maritime tourism is potential for Indonesian development through maritime tourism industry in the future. This paper employs cultural diplomacy concept to describe how cultural diplomacy plays role as an instrument in promoting Indonesia’s tourism industry in the region.Keywords: maritime tourism, cultural diplomacy, tourism industry]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia dalam Pusaran Politik Energi Global ]]>
<![CDATA[Angga Nurdin Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol. 3, No. 1 (Januari-Juni 2018), hlm. 1-85 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v3i1.20179
<![CDATA[Energy emerges as a strategic issue as industrial countries begin to strive to increase their economic growth. This condition is related to the need for source, distribution and price of guaranteed energy sources. The achievement of these conditions will not be easy because the must compete each other for energy accsess. However, for developing countries with considerable energy reserves this condition leads them in two situations where the first will be a bargaining power that leads to the achievement of national interests and on the other hand will be a curse that makes them an object of exploitation of advanced industrial countries. Referring to these conditions Indonesia is a country with a lot of resources. Therefore, this paper describes the dynamics of global energy politics and how Indonesia should take advantage of the opportunity of the dynamics of global energy politics.Keywords: global energy politics, industrial countries, Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[Usaha Mendapatkan Pengakuan Internasional: Kebijakan Indonesia Mengeluarkan Peraturan Presiden 125/2016 dalam Menangani Isu Pengungsi ]]>
<![CDATA[Kevin Ronaldo Sirait]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohamad Rosyidin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ika Riswanti Putranti]]>;
<![CDATA[Shary Charlotte]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 4, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2019), hlm. 100-196 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v4i2.26700
<![CDATA[As a transit country, Indonesia is obliged to temporarily accommodate thousands of refugees and asylum seekers who are waiting to be processed by UNHCR for resettlement to the third countries. To facilitate refugees and asylum seekers, Joko Widodo’s government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016. The international community appreciates the regulation because it shows Indonesia commitment to take part in addressing one of the humanitarian issues that is currently being concern to the world. This paper aims to analyze Joko Widodo’s policy that facilitate refugees and asylum seekers. By using the concept of international recognition in the constructivist paradigm, this paper argues that the government issued Presidential Regulation 125/2016 is influenced by the desire of Indonesia to be recognized as a “human rights defender” in terms of refugee handling. In this case, recognition, appreciation, and positive response from the international community has been obtained by Indonesia leading to the reduction of pressure from international community which could trigger the phenomenon of misrecognition. In this regard, Indonesia’s identity as “human rights defender” can be maintained.]]>
