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Contact Name
Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
Contact Email
shofwan.albanna@gmail.com
Phone
+62217873744
Journal Mail Official
global@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Prof. Selo Soemardjan, Nusantara 2 2nd Floor, Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Indonesia, Depok City 16424, Indonesia
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 14115492     EISSN : 25798251     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/global
Core Subject :
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional is a biannual peer-reviewed journal that specialises in foreign policy, international security, international political economy, and transnational issues involving actors of the Global South, having implications towards the Global South, or perspectives from the Global South that are often overlooked in the mainstream journals in the Global North. With its first issue published in 1990, Global is the oldest university-based journal of International Relations in Indonesia, a historically leading actor in the Global South. Hosted by the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, Global has been serving as one of the primary platforms for ideas exchanges among Indonesia’s most influential thinkers and beyond. In its attempt to internationalise and further bridge the North and South perspectives, the journal welcomes submission of manuscripts that would be of interest to scholarly communities and policymakers. For this purpose, since 2019 Global only publishes articles in English. Global publishes two types of articles: original research articles offering theory-driven empirical analysis and review articles that critically examine contemporary debates in International Relations literature.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 8 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 22, No. 2" : 8 Documents clear
Turkish Islam-Nationalism Under AKP: A New Model for the Muslim World? Tobing, Fredy B. L.; Nurwijoyo, Agung
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

The Justice and Development Party’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi/AKP) activities in bridging Islam and nationalism marks a historic milestone in Turkey’s democracy. Throughout its two decades-long leadership, AKP, under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s leadership, demonstrated that nationalism and Islam do not clash with Turkey’s stance on secularism. Such understanding provides AKP with a strategic leverage, both at the domestic and international level, especially within the Muslim world. Reflecting upon Rustow’s democratic transition model and Ibn Khaldun’s classic conceptualisation on ashabiyyah, this article attempts to comprehend how Turkish nationalism is formulated within its relations with Islam as AKP’s political roots. Aside from consolidating its political power at the domestic level, this article suggests that the Islam and democracy synthesis provides an opportunity for Turkey to strengthen its political image and position in the region. In a much broader context, this article attempts to contribute to academic discussions on the relationship between religion and states which undergo the process of democratisation.
The Moderation of Frente Farabundo Martí Para La Liberación Nacional’s Economic Orientation in El Salvador, 2009-2019 Wening, Petrus Putut Pradhopo
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

Frente Farabundo Martí Para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a Marxist guerrilla group, known for its activities in the 1980s and 1990s to seize El Salvador’s government through war. Post-peace accords, FMLN transformed into an electoral political party and successfully won to lead the government of El Salvador in 2009-2019, but then they compromised their economic policies to suit neoliberalism. This article uses Gill and Law’s conceptualisation of the theory of direct and structural power of capital to explain the causes of FMLN’s neoliberalism-compromising economic policy adjustment in 2009-2019. This article finds that El Salvador’s social and political-economy historical dynamics, which were dominated by the bourgeoisie class since Spain’s colonisation, strengthened transnational capitalists and enabled them to directly penetrate El Salvador’s economy by forming and intervening in political parties, along with dominating the bureaucracy. The combination of these factors caused transnational capitalists to encourage neoliberal reforms which supported the development of the structural power: deindustrialisation, deagrarianisation, and decapitalisation; El Salvador’s economic dependency; dollarisation; and the hegemony of neoliberalism discourses. This article argues that FMLN regime’s economic moderation is caused by the El Salvador bourgeoisies’ strengthened position after neoliberal reforms, allowing them to determine FMLN’s policies through their direct and structural power.
Catalan Identity and Paradiplomacy Strategy in Catalonia’s Independence Movement Dermawan, Windy; Akim, Akim
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

This article seeks to analyse how Catalan identity, within the context of its conflict with the Spanish government, contributes to its foreign relations with the global public through paradiplomacy. This article uses qualitative research method with literature study. It finds that Catalonia, as one of Spain’s autonomous regions, have a distinct history, language, and culture from other Spanish regions. To protect their identity, there have been an emergence of movement for greater Catalan autonomy, even independence. This conflict reached climax on 1 October 2017 when the Catalan government initiated an independence referendum amongst Catalan people, with the majority voted for independence from Spain. Since then, the Catalan independence movement has faced many changes until now, with one of the moves done by Catalonia to seek support from global public through their paradiplomacy. As such, it is worth noting how paradiplomacy done by the Catalan government was an effort to protect the existence of their identity, which increases the complication and dynamics of Catalan and Spanish governments’ internal conflict. Findings from this study may show important implications for the resolution of similar internal conflicts, especially those involving identity and paradiplomacy.
The Rise of Self-Interests: How Shifting Political Goals Changed the Effectiveness of Dutch Official Development Aid to Bangladesh From 2005 Until 2016 Oomen, Thomas L.
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

Aid effectiveness has been situated in the central debate of development studies and, particularly, among foreign aid policy making community. As the Netherlands was one of the unique countries which focused extensively on the needs of its recipient, it is important to investigate the Netherlands’ recent practice of its development aid, particularly to Bangladesh and the associated goal ambiguity. This article attempts to answer the question, “to what extent does goal ambiguity in Dutch development aid affect the effectiveness of Dutch development aid given to Bangladesh?” This analysis is based on independent assessments of Dutch official development aid (ODA) to Bangladesh and Dutch coalition agreements in 2005-2010 and 2011-2016. This study finds that, in the second period, goal ambiguity has increased, while the aid effectiveness has decreased. This change is unlikely to be attributed to the conditions for aid effectiveness since these remained largely stable or even in slightly in favour of the second period. While the comparison of different sectors between timeframes lacks full robustness, there is direct evidence that goal ambiguity has played a role in lower effectiveness in the water related aid in the second period. Therefore, this study suggests that aid effectiveness in Bangladesh has decreased in the period 2011 to 2016 due to an increase in goal ambiguity caused by increasing self-interests in Dutch ODA policy.
Indonesia's Involvement in the Afghanistan Peacebuilding Process Farizan, Fabian Nur; Heryadi, Dudy
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

This article aims to understand and analyse Indonesia's involvement in ensuring peace, especially in peacebuilding efforts in Afghanistan. Indonesia’s commitment to improve its peace efforts in Afghanistan was expressed by President Joko Widodo during his visit to Kabul in 2018. This research used Lederach’s pyramid model of peacebuilding as the primary analysis tool. Lederach’s pyramid model identifies three approaches to peacebuilding, along with the main actors in the population affected by the conflict—namely top leadership, middle range leadership, and grass-root leadership. The results of the study show that Indonesia's involvement in Afghanistan in peace efforts has been carried out at all levels. Indonesia's peacebuilding efforts at the top level are focused on achieving Intra-Afghan Talks. At the middle range level, Indonesia runs capacity building programs and uses a religious approach through ulama. Furthermore, at the grassroots level, Indonesia focuses on empowering Afghan women as peace agents. The presence of Indonesia in all three approaches to Peacebuilding shows a positive mark for the overall Afghan peace process.
The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro Latif, Ikhwan Rahmatika; Mutiarin, Dyah; Nurmandi, Achmad
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.
The Role of Global Civil Society at the Local Level in Climate Change Mitigation: A Case Study of Earth Hour’s Activities in Malang Rijal, Najamuddin Khairur
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

This study examines the role of global civil society at the local level in climate change mitigation. Climate change issue is one of the global issues that is responded at the local level, as the impact of the problem concerns the universal livelihood of the world’s population. This study focuses on Earth Hour’s activities in the Malang region as a part of a global civil society. This research uses global civil society and its role in environmental governance as the analytical framework. The data are collected through documentation studies and interviews. The results show that Earth Hour Malang’s activities have three important roles in climate change mitigation efforts, namely information-based role, providing policy inputs to the government, and performing operational functions.
Indonesia’s Trade Diplomacy Through FTA: Analysis on Actors, Processes, and Goals of Diplomacy Killian, Pantri Muthriana Erza
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 22, No. 2
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Abstract

The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN’s distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia’s continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN’s internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.

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