Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review is political science's premier scholarly research journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles and review essays from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: local politics, ethics and politics, public policy, and others. Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review has published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online). Published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science (APSIPOL).
Articles
278 Documents
<![CDATA[Scrutinizing Papua from Nationalism, Identity Politics, and Indonesian National Integration Perspectives ]]>
<![CDATA[Setiarsih, Ari]]>;
<![CDATA[Suharno, Suharno]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 2 (2018): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v3i2.13667
<![CDATA[This study explores theoretically the problems of Papua in the perspective of nationalism, identity politics, and national integration of Indonesia. In the context of Papua, the problems of nationalism and integration is a sensitive issue both historically and realistically. This creates a dilemmatic situation to understanding the Papuan nationalism. This article used descriptive qualitative approach with library research. The sources of data are paper that consist books, scientific journals, and mass media which gathered through documentation techniques and discourse identification. While the data analysis techniques used content analysis techniques. This study shows that: first, the emergence of aspirations about Papuan justice and independence is an attempt to maintain the autonomy, identity, and unity of Papuans, so that nationalism is a sentiment and a movement. The construction of Papuan nationalism tends to be oriented towards the ethnocultural nationalism that constructed as identity politics, so that the development of Papuan identity leads to the construction of a resistant identity. Therefore, nationalism needs to be constructed through nation-building efforts. Second, political reasoning to affirm the integration of Papua and NKRI includes: (1) building a catalyst for conflict and intensive communication; (2) implementing the politics of recognition; (3) accelerated development based on local understanding and identity of indigenous Papuans; (4) changing the way the state views the Indonesian nationalism in Papua; (5) establishing the control of violence through strengthening the role of civil society.]]>
<![CDATA[Evaluasi Pilkada Pelaksanaan Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Chaniago, Pangi Syarwi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 2 (2016): Pilkada Serentak di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i2.6585
<![CDATA[This study was carried out to evaluate the enforcement of the first direct district heads election in 2015, in order to promote the quality of democracy. This study applied qualitative method. There were several findings on this study; (1) direct district heads election has not been efficient yet; (2) direct district heads election has not been able to promote political participation; (3) direct district heads election has not been able to shut off money politic; (4) recruitment the election of district head candidates has not been transparant; (5) financing of direct election was not charged (appropriate) to Regional Government Budget; (6) Constitutional Court refused to adjudicate the dispute of election results if the margin of ballot more than 2%, it broke sense of justice; (7) the phenomenon of the emergence of a single candidate for district heads due to regulations, the must withdraw from candidacy for they were civil servants, military/police, House of Representatives, Regional Representative Board and Regional House of Representatives.]]>
<![CDATA[Model Pengembangan Ekowisata dalam Upaya Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Lokal ]]>
<![CDATA[Ridlwan, Muhammad Ama]]>;
<![CDATA[Muchsin, Slamet]]>;
<![CDATA[Hayat, Hayat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 2 (2017): Tema Umum: Politik Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i2.9933
<![CDATA[Today the tourists began to idolize attractions that not only serves its natural beauty alone but rather to intetaksi society, therefore, began to develop the type of special interest is a tourist village. Just as Ecological Tourism Village (KWE) Puspa Cement Universe in the village of Blitar District of Gandusati offers nature tourism and ecotourism education or commonly referred to tourists. With the development of this tourism community will be empowered through tourism activities. This study aims to apply the model of Community Based Tourism (CBT) in the development of tourism in the KWE Puspa Universe and the role of government and society in the development of KWE Puspa universe and to know what are the factors supporting and owned KWE Puspa Universe. This research method using descriptive research with a qualitative approach to collect data in the form of primary and secondary data. The analysis technique used in this study are observation, interviews, and documentation. The results showed that KWE Puspa Universe in the development of ecotourism has been applying the principles of Community Based Tourism (CBT), which can be seen from the activities that were held by KWE Puspa Universe, the role of government and active role in community development makes KWE KWE Puspa Puspa Universe Universe and growing. Then the factors driving and inhibiting owned KWE Puspa Universe in formulating the best strategies in the development of tourism.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengkaji Ruang Publik dari Perspektif Kuasa: Fenomena Kemenangan Aktor Hegemonik Melalui Dominasi Budaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Arditama, Erisandi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9181
<![CDATA[Public sphere is not an open space without power, but intersection of various actors with their interest. Therefore, by taking study on meronda activity in gardu, this article discusses how power works in public sphere. Gramsci notion on hegemony is used to analyze existing power relation. As closing session, this article claims that efforts to affecting public opinion through culture domination becomes the basis of hegemonic actor victory in influencing power in gardu as pubic sphere.]]>
<![CDATA[The Making of Islamist-inspired Terrorism and It’s Counter-terrorism in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Arrobi, Mohammad Zaki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 2 (2018): Problems and Prospects after 20 Years Reform ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v3i2.13673
<![CDATA[The study attempts to uncover the making of Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism responses in the modern history of Indonesia. It argues that Islamist-inspired terrorism and its counter-terrorism have been inextricably linked in complex ways within political and historical contexts. Instead of regarding Islamist-inspired terrorism and counter-terrorism as separated and unrelated entities, or perceiving the latter as just response to the former, it suggests that they have been intertwined and shaped each other throughout Indonesia’s modern history. By discussing Islamist-inspired terrorism in the three Indonesian historical periods, namely the resurgence of Darul Islam during 1940-60s, the re-emergence of Darul Islam networks and its series of terrorist attacks in 1980s, and  the Jemaah Islamiyah-related terrorist activities in the 2000s as illustrative cases, the study has delineated the ways in which Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism have been bound up within particular political, historical, and sociological context. In addition to that, the study also reveals that both Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism have been shaped by the dynamic interplay of local, national, and global contexts.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Klientilisme terhadap Perilaku Pemilih Masyarakat Kecamatan Sukatani pada Pilkada Kabupaten Bekasi 2012 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rofieq, Ainur]]>;
<![CDATA[Nuryono, Rahmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 2 (2016): Pilkada Serentak di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i2.6577
<![CDATA[This research is motivated by the election of Neneng Hasanah Yasin-Rohim Mintareja who defeated incumbent regional head and deputy head of the Bekasi area in the elections of 2012. The local elections showed a dynamic voter behavior of society. Clientelism practices allegedly occurred in the victory Neneng Hasanah Yasin. The focus of this study is to analyse voting behavior of people in the District Sukatani which has characteristics as agricultural area. Sukatani sub-district is one of the districts that form the basis for Neneng Hasanah Yasin victory. As an analytical tool, the used theory is clientelism. The method used is a quantitative study with a questionnaire as a data collector. Data analysis technique uses cross tabulation. The number of samples in this study is 100 people with a 95% confidence level and a margin of error of 10%. The results of this study indicates that for some indicators clientelism has no difference in voting behavior Sukatani society, such as indicators of the popularity the parents candidates, formal official invitation, informal official invitation, and professional groups invitation. Even for indicators of indebtedness does not exist at all. While indicators have differences on the invitation team is successful candidate.]]>
<![CDATA[Debate over Islamic Symbolism and Substantialism in the Formulation of Local Regulation in Tasikmalaya Municipality ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuliawati, Fitriyani]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurohman, Taufik]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v3i1.10758
<![CDATA[This study aims to reveal debate over the formulation of local regulation. Particularly, it seeks to know political dynamics at the grassroot level in policy-making. Theoretical assumption mentions that policy-making is not only a process of government technocracy, but it can also a debate over current discourse among citizens. The qualitative study discloses that the political debate over this discourse occurs due to contradictory perspectives on the aspirations of Sharia law as a part of formal institutions in the state. The first camp argued that Islam should exist in the public as an effort to build an ideal society. Islam must be included as part of the state, at least in local regulation. In contrast, the second camp argued that in building the ideal society, state does not need to include Islam as part of the state in the regulation.]]>
<![CDATA[Jean-Jaques Rousseau dalam Demokrasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Wijaya, Daya Negri]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 1, No 1 (2016): Demokrasi, Pemilu, dan Isu Budaya di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v1i1.9075
<![CDATA[JJ Rousseau is one of political thinkers. He lives in the advance of science and art. However, he realizes that the progress of science and art declines the moral of society. Democracy, in his view, should be implemented by direct rule without any representation. This is caused by the freedom of every citizens which should be struggled. Everyone has a natural right which could not be seized and be given for others. They make a social contract to shape a nation. A government is developed which is not to limit a power but to ensure the freedom of a power. In addition, he gives an idea on how to build a democratic society. This article is expected to give a moral guidance for politicians.]]>
<![CDATA[Deliberative Debates in Investors Penetration Area: A Case Study of Village Deliberation by Village Consultative Board (BPD) in Caturtunggal Village, Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Abd. Hamid, Husen Wijaya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 3, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v3i1.10604
<![CDATA[This study focuses on deliberative democracy practices in Caturtunggal village, specifically in the sub-village (dusun) of Seturan, Karangwuni, and Ambarukmo. The study assesses the quality of deliberation in these dusun by applying the three out of five indicators of deliberative democracy theory by Fishkin (2009), namely information, subtantantive balance, and equal consideration. This study deploys qualitative descriptive method and case-study approach with in-depth interview as the main data gathering technique. This deliberation has putVillage Consultative Board (BPD) period of 2013-2019 as a mediator and to consider arguments and deliberative results. Based on the indicators which proposed by Fishkin, Seturan and Ambarukmo are categorized for having semi-ideal deliberation, meanwhile Karangwuni is categorized as not ideal. The study also finds elite capture practices in Seturan and Karangwuni, but they do not impact significantly.]]>
<![CDATA[Dana Desa dan Demokrasi dalam Perspektif Desentralisasi Fiskal ]]>
<![CDATA[Widodo, Isto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 2, No 1 (2017): UU Desa: Mewujudkan Kemandirian Aras Lokal atau Jebakan Ketergantungan Dana Pusa ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/jpi.v2i1.8487
<![CDATA[Dana Desa (Village Fund) Program is targetting equal economic growth based on bottom up wealth growth. Constrastly, in its practice, there are some problems due its effect on program responsibility and on socio-political relation. Based on Theory of Fiscal Decentralization, this paper presenting the practice of Dana Desa Program in Desa Bajo, Soromandi, Bima, Province of NusaTenggara Barat (West Nusa Tenggara/NTB). We found that the effect of democracy capacity weakness that causing low government capacity as main source of the problems. Instead of gaining its aims, Dana Desa is trigging political and governmental problems in Desa Bajo. Low democracy capacity as the main source of the problemms, caused by internal and external factors i.e. political culture, institutional framework as well as factor of political actors and political institutions.]]>
