International of Journal Studies for Energy Affairs (JISEA)
Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs or known as JISEA is a scholarly periodical that publishes twice a year. JISEA is maintained by the International Relations Department at Universitas Pertamina, Jakarta, Indonesia. This journal was initiated in 2019 and its first edition was published in 2020. JISEA publishes research papers, technical papers, conceptual papers, and case study reports. As the first journal in Indonesia that concerned with international studies and energy, JISEA would like to enhance the study of international studies, especially in the energy field. Article manuscripts are published after a thorough peer-review process. JISEA works closely with scholars of international studies locally and globally, indicated by a range and variety of editorial members, peer reviewers, and authors. Accepted papers are in English only We welcome academics and practitioners to share their thought with us. other language articles, subject to translation cost prior to publication acceptance Spanning the gap between academic and policy approaches, JISEA offers policy analysts a place to pursue fundamental issues, and academic writers a venue for addressing policy. Major fields of concern include: Energy Security Energy Diplomacy International Political Economy of Energy Global Governance on Energy Actors in Global Energy JISEA is committed to a broad range of intellectual perspectives. Articles promote new analytical approaches, iconoclastic interpretations, and previously overlooked perspectives. Its pages encourage novel contributions and outlooks, not particular methodologies or policy goals. Its geographical scope is worldwide and includes security challenges in Europe, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. Authors are encouraged to examine established priorities in innovative ways and to apply traditional methods to new problems.
Articles
41 Documents
<![CDATA[Industrial Policy as the Application of State Defense in the Era of Industrial Revolution 4.0 ]]>
<![CDATA[Afrimadona, Afrimadona]]>;
<![CDATA[Darmastuti , Shanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Dwi Astuti, Wiwiek Rukmi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss2.2020.92-109
<![CDATA[The rapid change in the information technology in the age of Industry 4.0 requires the government to produce an innovative and competitive industrial policy in order to push for an independent economic development. Amids the trend of industry 4.0, states are faced with a challenge of advancing national industries, such as the energy, food and beverage, automotive, electronics, chemical, textile and textile products industries. Using literature review over a number of cases of industrial policies in East Asia, this article argues that a national interest-based industrial policy can be seen as an implementation of the so-called state defense. This is because industrial policy is the product of the thoughts of individual policy-makers who are also the citizens to whom the obligation of state defense applies. Thus, rather than simply asking the general individual citizens to do state defense, the state, represented by the individual policy-makers should also think of their policy in terms of state defense, that is the defense of public interest.]]>
<![CDATA[The Obstacles of Indonesia-Iceland Cooperation In the Development of Geothermal Energy in Indonesia (2007-2014) ]]>
<![CDATA[Bestari, Althea S]]>;
<![CDATA[Rudiany, Novita Putri]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss2.2020.136-158
<![CDATA[This paper discusses the obstacles in Icelandic-Indonesian cooperation related to geothermal development in Indonesia in 2007 - 2014. In the cooperation process that prioritizes geothermal energy use in Indonesia, the interaction between Iceland and Indonesia has not shown significant implementation results, mainly technical geothermal energy exploration. This cooperation has been going on for seven years. The concept of Barriers to International Cooperation developed by Lauri Siitonen, which is a derivative of the idea from Theories of International Cooperation, is used to analyze existing obstacles. This concept explains why cooperation and obstacles can occur due to the interactions of the actors involved. In this case, each country's national interests, which become the foundation for interactions in the international system, can create political policies that often ignore bilateral cooperation objectives. This research is based on primary data and secondary data with descriptive-analytical methods. This paper's conclusion shows that political and policy factors and technical factors are significant in hindering this cooperation.]]>
<![CDATA[The Rising Dragon and The Defending Eagle: Understanding the Geopolitical Rivalry between U.S. - China in South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Danastri, Hardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss1.2020.28-42
<![CDATA[This paper aims to understand the geopolitical rivalry between the long-standing great power U.S. and the world’s emerging economic power China, particularly their rivalry within contested South China Sea. This article conducted qualitative methods to produce in depth analysis towards the phenomenon. One question is at stake which is what both powers want in South China Sea. The answer raises an additional inquiry; what kind of significances that South China Sea promises for either U.S. or China? This article argues that U.S. and China both strive for control over the territory. To answer the latter question, this paper is using a geopolitical approach, emphasizing on the lines of communication and centers of resources that South China Sea offers. This paper also argues that China’s geopolitical objective is intended to strengthen their regional hegemony, ultimately global pre-eminence in the long-term. Meanwhile, U.S. seeks to re-assert their power in the region and to rebalance their rising power.]]>
<![CDATA[Understanding the Role of Multinational Enterprise Representatives in Indonesia Towards Geothermal Investment Opportunity in Emerging Economies ]]>
<![CDATA[Putra, Arfian Rachmat]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss1.2020.75-91
<![CDATA[Indonesia is a nation that is surrounded by aquatic resources and other major natural resources which can be utilize and converted to power through an investment program that allows investors to set up a clean energy project from hydro (river or reservoirs), wind, biomass, wave (ocean) and geothermal. The most significant issue which will be elaborated throughout this paper shall concentrate on the implication of internalization towards multinational enterprises by using existing geothermal energy development projects in Indonesia as study case. Indonesia’s natural resources has attracted foreign enterprises to invest in a state with emerging economies understanding that is still under development. Presently, Indonesia is still developing its regulation and availability to supply power demands from multiple areas that are rural, lack of electricity and lack of transmission lines. By comprehending the role of multinational enterprise which was triggered by the theory of internalization and investment.,]]>
<![CDATA[Political Aspect as the Main Constraint to Realize Green Growth In East Kalimantan ]]>
<![CDATA[Hartanto, Hartanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss1.2020.62-74
<![CDATA[The journey of economic growth and development is on an unsustainable trajectory, marked by conditions that endanger natural assets and environmental services, both of which form the basis of long-term economic growth and human well-being. Indonesia is the 6th largest emitter in the world, while East Kalimantan itself is the 6th largest emitter nationally. The fundamental question that often arises in the author's mind is "can economic prosperity be obtained by marginalizing natural factors which are then deemed insignificant? In response to this, a concept known as green growth emerged. To discuss this, the author uses qualitative methods. This method provides a form of data collection and analysis that focuses on emphasizing and understanding meaning. The data collected comes from official documents and other supporting documents. The author makes interpretations of what is seen, heard and understood. The results showed that in order to achieve Green economic growth in East Kalimantan, political, economic and social aspects must be considered.Political aspects are the most important thing because policies play a key role in realizing green growth, policy makers can build green growth strategies, with the help of their commitments. However, the political, social and economic aspects are interrelated and mutually supportive.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Implications of Turkey – Qatar Gas Pipeline Construction on European Union Energy Security ]]>
<![CDATA[Ingpraja, Ariscynatha Putra]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss1.2020.43-61
<![CDATA[This paper will discuss the political implication caused by Turkey-Qatar Gas Pipeline to the European Union energy security. The development of a logistics facility in this program could be a double-edged sword for the European Union member. Using realism as the leading theory that emphasizes politics as the main power to gain the state's national interest, writers try to build analytical case studies. With its hold of the logistics facility, Turkey could control the distribution of natural gas exporting to Europe. European Union members need to import natural gas to strengthen the energy security sector of their lack of energy sources. Through the dependency energy sources created by both actor, this will affect the European Union energy security, notably, by the facility owner's state.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia's Energy Diplomacy Strategy in Acquiring Oil Field in Algeria in 2013 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyuni, Cynthia Eka]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss1.2020.1-27
<![CDATA[Indonesia's energy diplomacy to Algeria was one of the efforts of the Indonesian government to maintain national energy security. Considering that the production produced from domestic sources has not been able to meet national energy needs, the Indonesian government tried to find exploration and production fields outside of Indonesia's territory. In effort to find fields that can be explored, the Indonesian government took a certain approach of diplomacy and negotiation with other governments. For that reason, this article aims to raise this topic is to find out what kind of strategy or approach was being carried out by the Indonesian government in conducting energy diplomacy in Algeria. To examine this topic, researcher used the concept of a grand strategy related to energy, energy diplomacy, and the concept of Indonesia's normative power. Researcher tried to prove that Indonesia's energy diplomacy strategy in acquiring oil fields in Algeria was done through strategy and decision making, which in the strategy there was a political approach and in the decision-making there was a business approach. The two approaches should synergize and complement each other, therefore consolidation between the two approaches was needed. Researchers using qualitative methods with analytical techniques using process tracing. One of the conclusions of this research is that the role of the Indonesian government was needed in supporting the acquisition of oil fields in Algeria.]]>
<![CDATA[Cooperation Of Indonesia - Iran In The Oil And Gas Energy Sector 2015-2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Kamaluddin, Asep]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fathun, Laode]]>;
<![CDATA[Nadirah Rahladhani, Utami]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss2.2020.194-210
<![CDATA[This research is conducted to discuss about the Cooperation between Indonesia and Iran in oil and gas energy sector period 2015-2017. This research uses qualitative research method with descriptive approach type. The purpose on this research is to explain the shape of cooperation between Indonesia and Iran in oil and gas energy sector. This research also uses bilateral cooperation theory, national interest theory, and energy security concept. From this research, According to the result from this research, the cooperation between Indonesian and Iran in oil and gas energy sector in the period of 2015-2017, the first is Purchasing of Liquified Petroleum Gas (LPG) and Crude Oil form Iran with Competitive Price, second, Oil Refinery Development located in Situbondo (East Java) and the last is Management of Ab-Teymour and Mansouri field. With this cooperation, Indonesia has achieve national interest because the production of oil and gas in Indonesia is increased and the people requirement of oil and gas can be fulfilled. Then in this research, it is also known that the cooperation between Indonesia and Iran in the energy sector will continue even in the wider sector again.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Petropolitics: Its Business and Diplomacy in the South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Badaruddin, Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Adiputra Zulham , Cipto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss2.2020.159-193
<![CDATA[China faces the threat of oil scarcity which has prompted the country to seek alternative oil sources, one of the disputed South China Sea. This research will discuss the relationship between China's energy needs and efforts to control the South China Sea, describing China's policies (petropolitics) in three approaches, namely diplomacy, military (defense) and economy (business, investment and aid) and policy implementation to realize the interests of controlling oil resources in the South China Sea region. This research uses a descriptive-qualitative method to analyze comprehensively the policy documents and official statements of the Government of China and ASEAN countries and supported by literature studies. The results of this research indicate that of the three approaches, the economic approach such as business and investment by China in Southeast Asia is currently more effective for China to strengthen its position and influence in Southeast Asia and the SCS dispute area and to control the oil in it. Meanwhile, diplomacy and military (defense) approaches use to support this economic approach.]]>
<![CDATA[The Garuda Strikes Back : Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Tackle European Union Protectionism on Crude Palm Oil ]]>
<![CDATA[Ichlas El Qudsi, Mohammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Kusumawardhana, Indra]]>;
<![CDATA[Kyrychenko, Volodymyr]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations on Energy Affairs Vol 1 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations Universitas Pertamina ]]>
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DOI: 10.51413/jisea.Vol1.Iss2.2020.110-135
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes Indonesia's economic diplomacy efforts in overcoming trade barriers to Indonesian palm oil commodities carried out by the European Union. Until now, the Indonesian Crude Palm Oil (CPO) industry has experienced tremendous pressure from the European Union (EU) as one of the main export destinations for Indonesian CPO. In order to secure Indonesia's national interests, instead of taking a cooperative approach, the Indonesian government has responded to the EU's discriminatory attitude towards palm oil commodities with a series of assertive economic diplomacy approaches. This assertive economic diplomacy approach is understood by this paper as a form of the “Power-Play End†strategy articulated by Indonesia to secure its national interests in mainland Europe. The main question in this paper that will be answered is how can Indonesia use this strategy in overcoming trade barriers imposed by the EU on palm oil commodities? Using the concept of Economic Diplomacy which emphasizes three elements, namely the use of political influence and relations, the use of economic assets, the consolidation of the political climate and the international environment - this paper will examine Indonesia's economic diplomacy maneuver in related issues.]]>
